最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段其实在某种程度上，我们可以说是一个能够在美国的建国流程中，也在某种程度上得到体现的情况。那你觉得这个罗马政治制度，你刚才描绘的这三个权力和美国政治制度有什么可比性呢？因为我们大家当然会想，当然的联想到现代的参权分立。没错，美国人也会说自己是新罗马，对吧？然后对对对。然后当时他们那些国父们在制定政治制度的时候，其实也会在很大程度上去参考罗马的这个政治架构。那么但是就是这两者之间，他其实当然会有很多的相同之处，也有很多的不同之处，对吧？
来源片段imperial preference. They had governments very similar to the British government. They had their own parliament. They had, but under the formal authority of the Commonwealth Queen or King. Yeah, I mean, that all makes total sense to me. Why do you think there is a discomfort with using the Empire word? Because people don't. I'd be strained to think of a recent US president who would have described the system that way. I mean, maybe- Oh, absolutely so. There's a double reason for that. There's a historical reason and there's a diplomatic reason, or you might say a cultural
查看片段位置
7 个展示片段 · 共 8 个展示片段（含上方示例）— 点击展开
S1：7 个窗口回退
来源片段
But of course, it was also quite private. What the United States did then, and this is a Republican administration, but earlier Lyndon Johnson had done something similar, the Dominican Republic in 1965. What they said is, well, there is this country that is a liberal democracy just like us. Oh, but now it is true, conservative landlords and military people, they've had a lot of power. And we've been trying to reform that. We've been trying to reform that, just like with our wonderful
目标片段
这个麦克应该很熟悉啊，就是这个就19世纪的时候，可能美国还可以称作是一个国会式的政府，他的国会的力量是相对比较强的对。但是到了20世纪，尤其是越往后，其实这个说法就越来越无法成立啊，那么经过了林肯经过了罗斯福，经过了这个LBJ,就是约翰逊对约翰逊他这些总统的不断扩张，行政权。现在的这个美国的总统，这一支就是这个行政权，这个branch他的权力可以说是已经非常大了。我们甚至可以说就是用这个那个上世纪的美国历史，就是小士尔辛格。
来源片段
everything else, especially since in the some 30 years since the end of the Cold War, and the results now are coming crashing down within the United States. And of course the crashing down to the American Empire. Yeah, I think I'm editorializing a bit on this one, but I think we might have slightly different framing devices here, because I see the debate between like a sort of thin liberalism that sort of has a narrow conception of liberty and really nothing else, and a sort of
目标片段
就是传统上我们确实会认为说罗马人啊对于美国政治，尤其是在建国立宪的时候的美国政治影响非常的巨大。当然就是在最近几十年当中，其实有很多不同的声音啊，就是这边就是我做一个营销啊，就是因为我我之前和我之前在三年书店翻译了一本书啊，叫做古代与现代民主，他可能这本书过几个月就会正式出版啊。那么这本书里面其实啊这位作者他这个德国人他就讨论了很多相反的意见就是作者会认为说其实古典案例对于罗马制限对于罗对于美国制限对于美国政治体制没有那么的事实上的实质性的一个影响啊，
来源片段
less appealing vision as something that people actually want to go out and vote for. And I think it's not a coincidence that it has been much less successful in transforming societies than the old, more balanced liberalism, I think. Well, I agree with you that a few minutes ago, I mentioned a that the history progressivism had a tragic dimension, that the seeds of its own destruction were present there.
目标片段
但是小格拉股的改革，其实我觉得很大情况是往回来看。那么也正是小格拉股的改革，才真正开启了罗马共和国晚期的纷争。尤其是这个后来的所谓的包税人，也就是歧视阶层的一个崛起，以及后来这些歧视阶层，还有那些更加低的一些阶层的这个民众对于原先的掌握了罗马政权的显贵家族的一个取代。那么在这一点上，我觉得是一个更加革命化的一个举动，而且可能待会麦克会提到这个其实和特朗普现在做的一些事情，
来源片段
attack that would stick and they'd get God knows like Marco Rubio or something in. And because at the time he hasn't really governed this way, he's governed much more as a just tax cut for the rich type Republican. But at the time he was talking a lot about like infrastructure and trade and all of this and Republicans were absolutely convinced that if they just go, oh, he's not a real economic libertarian, that would be like the silver bullet that took him down and just this sort of like slowly dawning horror when they realized none of their actual primary voters cared about that at all. They were in it for cultural conservatism, you know, and but they just been so long in this
目标片段
他能够说有这么多的钱啊，在罗马去进行一些这个什么执政官的岗位的竞争啊，他都是靠着包税人去给他在什么高卢行程在西班牙行程去收税。然后这个后来的苏拉当然是一个传统派啊，他是打击了这样一个包税人的制容，但是没什么用啊，因为大家都看到说这个制度其实对这些寡头来说非常非常有有用啊，就是你把他打击完了之后啊，这个苏拉一死，这个很快他的这个这些制度立刻都被推翻了啊。那么即便是我们认为说是继偿了苏拉一博的这个政治或者政治这样的影响力的庞培啊，他确实仍然要和这些包税人合作，
来源片段
electing angrier and angrier people. And at some point, the realization has to dawn that there has to be something new here, there has to be something new either ideologically or structurally, because Trump, for all that he's very different as a politician, hasn't governed as an economic popularist in fact the substantive policies out of his administration such as they are, are sort of basically what I'd expect any Republican to do, you know what I mean? Like, it hasn't. Oh, yeah, well, let me address that very last point and then get on to the more fundamental
目标片段
那我还是要强迫你去跟特朗普做一下比较OK你觉得这是一个经济改革，还是一个宪政体制的改革。OKOK就是我觉得我个人可能还是会倾向于后者，就是和格拉谷兄弟的改革一样，就是他可能初看起来都是很大程度上是落在一些具体的领域。比如说经济领域，这个什么税收领域、外交领域，当然也包括现在这个教育领域。就我们昨天刚刚看到特朗普下了，行政令，说要把哈佛招收国际学生和访问学者权力给停掉，对吧？
来源片段
and they really put the ideas together systematically. And by that time, the idea had come, and you got a Reformation. But you have lost all of these, or even clouds on the horizon, two or three generations before the idea has come. It was just like, you take another analogy, out and out, kind of socialism as it was developed in the four... Organized socialism as it was in the 19th century. Well, before that, we had utopian socialism, a kind of... And that was a
目标片段
就是无论是1789年的法国大革命，还是1848年的欧洲革命，还是后来的共产革命等等等等，也包括中国的这个各种各样的革命，其实都是所谓的暴力革命。你要通过一些暴力的手段去推翻整个的政府推翻，甚至推翻原先的这样一套整体的社会制度，把整个社会都重新洗牌一眼，对吧？这个是我们今天对于革命理解，然后当然与之相这个相对的还有另外一种对于革命理解，这个也是现代人理解，只不过是一些比较早一点的现代人，就是可能16世纪17世纪的现代人，他们对于革命理解就是本质上来说可以用，
来源片段
conscious rejection of the Bush era. But the reality seems to be a lot more muddled. How do you how do you view both his challenge to the orthodoxy in the primary and what has subsequently happened? Well, I think it has a perfect analogy with my analysis a moment ago, what happened in domestic policy. So let us take the authentic Trump, when Trump could be Trump in the primary season. And was obviously had this constituency very much in favor of Trump being Trump. He had his
目标片段
嗯，而且我会觉得说他其实我们更加应该把它理解成是一个时代的产物啊，就是好像说格拉古兄弟他的一个改革，也是罗马共和政体无以为继的一个结果，而不能简单的把格拉古兄弟视为是毁灭罗马政治的一个始作俑者。嗯，就是那特朗普其实也是也是也是一样的嘛。就是啊你站在嗯现在或者事后的角度说，可以说他对于共和体制啊，就是美国的政治产生了巨大的一个挑战。但是我们不能够简单的认为说啊，他就是一个一个万额之源，他就是一个始作俑者。啊，他整个的这些改革其实都有非常复杂的美国政治历史社会的这样一些背景。嗯，但是如果再回到舒老师那个问题，对吧？就是我们往未来看啊，就我觉得说嗯是苏拉那一代人对吧？