最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段通过玩梗的方式影响了一整套有关哈里斯的叙事框架播客的最后我也会谈论一下，我认为这个事情代表了怎样的社会文化的一个大转变？OK让我们说回政治，我先给大家捋一个时间线。五天前7月21号星期日，现任美国总统拜登宣布，他会退出2024年的美国总统大选。拜登宣布退选。其实对很多人来说，是不是一件令人吃惊的事？拜登和特朗普第一次辩论后，因为拜登过于老太龙中的表现。其实，所有关心美国政治的人都在心里低谷。特朗普是不是应该要退出选举，不光光是共和党人，还有民主党人都在这么说，有很多好莱坞的明星都站出来背书说Nancy Pelosi和奥巴马应该选一个拜登之外的选手来对抗。
来源片段I'm recording this just after Donald Trump has won the South Carolina primary. It looks like he is going to be the Republican nominee. It looks like Joe Biden is going to be the Democratic Party's nominee. It feels inevitable and yet in many ways it feels impossible. Both parties seem like they're going to be picking candidates who also both seem fatally flawed. So many things about the 2024 election feel like they've never happened before the age of the candidates, the weirdness of some of the politics. Yet a lot of it has happened before, not maybe exactly in this form.
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S1：3 个窗口回退
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I'm really happy that I'm doing this. I'm not quite sure why it took me so long. And it's one more way that you can support the podcast. Because as you know, I've made a commitment not to do commercial advertising on the show. I think that sort of chupens it a little to be like flogging someone else's product. But I thought about this and am I comfortable with this? I thought yeah, absolutely. It's something people have asked for to have like sort of merch from the show. And yeah, we're finally doing it.
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所以从我的角度来说，通过参与这种流行文化来讨好人民大众，是一种相对廉价的讨好方式，而且它是有代价的。在你想要获得他人真正尊重的前提上，这是有代价的。OK在描绘完了这个内容之后，我能想象我这个播客里会有一些严肃正经的，只想听正统学术观察分析的中年听众。他会说你讲的这种互联网文化，我对你有点我对这种文化有点吃之以鼻，不屑一顾。因为这种东西就是网民在说垃圾话，它没有什么重要性，这是一个我相信可能会出现的态度。
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Or what is the sort of most defensible case for these sorts of norms of political engagement, you know, non-violence, but also like respect, civility, open-mindedness, these sorts of norms that liberals are often attempting to impose on political contestation. And I want to make a separation here between arguments about norms and arguments about efficacy. So simply to take the case of politically motivated rioting, you could say, well look, I just feel like it's not going to achieve what people think it's going to achieve, this will lead to a backlash, it's actually harming your cause to do it.
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我觉得这点在政治上带来的代价就已经很明显了。我们在艺术领域科学领域，你去崇尚不正常的、神经质的、拧巴的、敖娇的天才，那就去崇尚吧。但是在政治领域，正是因为政治需要的是或者说民主政治需要的是利益的调和妥协的艺术，它最需要的就是这些被我们抛弃的品质。这些可能在现代年轻人眼中是圆滑是虚伪，是伪善，是端着是严肃是不real的品质。就我刚才说的这个成熟这个品质，我觉得哈里斯和最近出来那个特朗普副手万斯，他们身上的个人特质，也说明了现在的美国政治互联网时代的美国政治已经跟80年代的政治完全不一样了。
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And they would have to be reminded quite forcefully that they can't do that, right? And so map it up to society. Now what I haven't fleshed out here is democracy. I think the model of liberalism I've explained necessitates some form of democracy, but whether that's sort of, you know, representative or like how it's structured or how many parties they are, I'm not going to go into that here. I think it necessitates some form of democracy, but I'm more just staying on the liberalism side. For now, if you map it all the way up to society, then I think you see something similar. People recognize that liberalism is the best system.
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而且在他们的粉丝中，在他们的选民中，因为选民变成了粉丝，甚至还会让他在这些粉丝中更受欢迎。从我的角度来说，这个现象代表的就是民主政治的幼稚化。今天这期播客浅浅地观察了一下互联网文化对于美国政治的影响，以及它带来的是怎样的社会文化的改变。大家应该看得出来，其实我不太喜欢直接讨论时政。我觉得时政没有什么意思。如果真的想要讨论时政，我想要反思的是，我观察到的这个现象背后是否代表了一种大趋势的转变？
S2：3 个窗口回退
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But you see, I think that actually in the age of Trump, those two things are starting to look a little bit naive. So one of the examples for the Bullshitter is the 4th of July orator, who says, you know, it's in the United States, the best civilization in human history. And he says it because it sounds nice, not because he has a set of sort of empirically stringent criteria for what it means to be, you know, is the United States today better than ancient Rome was or ancient Athens or something? Who knows what that question even means, right? But it sounds good. So let's not care about those kinds of things. That really sounds sort of like child's play compared to what we're seeing now.
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以上是我对这个播客的中年听众有关中文互联网抽象文化是什么的，一个非常简单的概括。我相信听这个播客的年轻人是不需要听上面这段话的。但是我们这一期播客的主题是美国人、美国年轻人的抽象文化如何影响美国政治？虽然他们不会管这个叫做抽象。但是等一下我要描绘他们很多的逻辑和行为的时候，大家就会发现这两种现象的类似性。我们在说的东西可能不一样，但这个东西背后的逻辑，或者说这个东西背后的毫无逻辑，在年轻人流行的文化中是一模一样的。
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You throw out so many false claims into public discourse with such abandon and such regularity that unless people are willing to spend a whole chunk of their time on politics, they just don't have the bandwidth to figure out what is true and what is wrong. And if you do that, the only thing you can do is to follow cues, is to say, well, you know, I trust the New York Times. And so that must be right. So then of course they attack the New York Times to make you feel that you can't trust that as well. And so in the end, it just becomes purely tribal.
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这些成熟品质为代价的基础之上，再来获得这些年轻的选民。其实我觉得这个也是玩梗抽象文化在民主政治，它是一把双刃剑，一方面通过玩梗，你可能会让大家喜欢你，或者说让大家停止厌恶你。但是你要是整天跟着他们一起玩梗，搞抽象，你其实没有办法获得任何人真正的尊重，你可能让他们喜欢你。因为他们知道你在讨好他们，但是你没有办法让他们尊重你这点我们就不看美国政客，我们去看中国互联网上的那些明星，
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However, it is asinine to pretend that there aren't problems of practicality that arise from that to do with changing rooms, to do with rape centers and so on. This I think is kind of childishly obvious. However, again, I've noticed when I've written about it, there is a furious response across the board from a lot of people, first from the trans community, who say as a cis male, you have no right to write about this. And then from the feminist community saying as a man, you have no right to talk about something that won't affect you because this is entirely a debate between the trans community and the feminist community. And I think this is interesting, not because I'm being attacked on social media because that's all part of the. . .
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所以从我的角度来说，通过参与这种流行文化来讨好人民大众，是一种相对廉价的讨好方式，而且它是有代价的。在你想要获得他人真正尊重的前提上，这是有代价的。OK在描绘完了这个内容之后，我能想象我这个播客里会有一些严肃正经的，只想听正统学术观察分析的中年听众。他会说你讲的这种互联网文化，我对你有点我对这种文化有点吃之以鼻，不屑一顾。因为这种东西就是网民在说垃圾话，它没有什么重要性，这是一个我相信可能会出现的态度。
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And so he does this, he generates a lot of opposition to what he's doing, but it turns out his work in New York is crucial to Jefferson's chances and his own chances and the ultimate outcome of making one of them, the new president of the United States, facilitating this transfer of power. And it also illustrates that classic tension, I think in democracy, which is when it's small, small scale, so a lot of people are excluded from the vote. In one way that makes it less democratic, we're just talking about property men, but if it's small enough, you can do it face to face. So when they say door to door, they mean door to door, right? You can actually, the candidate, which is not going to be true as we move through the history of the Republic to mass communication, the candidate can meet the people face to face and he's able to do it in New York on that scale because the scale is still really tiny relative to what's to come.
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这种人虽然说很时髦，但是你真的希望把点击核弹的那个权力交到这样的一个人形象手中吗？我们去看看美国历史上受欢迎的总统，他们之所以能够风靡全国。很多时候是因为他们获得了年轻人的支持。比如说里根里根在70年代之所以能够获得如此压倒性的胜利，就是因为他获得了大量的年轻选民的支持，而且讨好年轻选民，你需要的是打造一种充满活力的不死气、沉沉的形象。我觉得这就是这个难点所在，对吧？一方面，作为一个政客，你想让自己成为一个有活力的政客，不是一个牢，就是半只脚在棺材里的政客。