最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段因为当你听到奥巴马这样大声的在那里步道的时候,你感觉他的观众就差点想要高呼阿门了。然后我问他,我说那特朗普呢,他说特朗普我没有办法用一个英文风格来概括。但是我可以描绘一下他说特朗普的修辞风格,他的演讲风格,我们去看看他是怎么演讲的。比如说前几天的那个共和党代表大会,他是一种长时间的几乎催眠式的,即兴表演,非常常的不按照演讲稿脱稿的自己的那些鸡里咕噜的故事,然后在进行这种长时间的你快要被他催眠的演讲之后,他会突然重新回到演讲稿,开始念一段演讲。
来源片段Nor did he talk at all about prosecuting his enemies, which has been a major theme of his campaign. Nor did he say anything about dictatorship on day one. The fact that he felt able to conduct this as a rally, even if it sounded tinny and fell flat in spaces speaks to me of a level of comfort and confidence that I have not seen in him in events of this sort before. And as someone who is opposed to Trump, that worries me. I don't think he heard himself through the length of the speech. I think if we ask what impressions are people going to take away, there's certainly going to take away the Hogan moment, both the original moment and then his exchange with the man himself.
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And I mean, I think that a really important part of the research for me was being able to understand how, you know, rather than just be like, well, they are, they have got some policy ideas that are simply not based on the facts, you know, which is a very easy thing to believe about many, many Americans, frankly, and, you know, probably myself as well. I'm not fully informed on every issue, certainly. But to recognize that actually there's a really coherent story that people are telling themselves and there's a version of their activism that I think is deeply admirable. What is terrible is how that sort of consolidated at the national level. Right. Tea Party activists I spoke to, I think one person mentioned they really liked Donald Trump over the entire time that I interviewed people. And Trump wasn't really a sort of political figure in that way. Political figure at the time. No. They never really consolidated behind a single presidential candidate in during the period of my research.
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哇,我觉得真的非常有意思。今天前几天我缠着他问了好多问题。当然第一个问题就是我问他,我说所有美国总统的演讲都是像他这样的撰稿人speech writer写的吗?他给我的回答其实也很符合我在美剧白宫风云里看到的现象,那个情况差不多。他说美国总统每一个都很忙,他们每一天要处理很多政务,他们没有时间去亲自书写自己的演讲,对吧?所以说绝大多数的总统政治演讲基本上都是由像他这样的speech writer撰稿人写总统演讲的时候,又是这个政客,他政治生涯里的高光。
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So I think that's one of the reasons Donald Trump had such success in the primary. And also, you know, the role of conservative media and media in general, instead of building these narratives about things like death panels, about all sorts of sort of conspiracies that exist on the right, was really powerful in the Tea Party.
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他说,跟他当时比起来,当时的白宫媒体,特朗普现在的媒体算是对特朗普友好了,因为自小罗斯福新政以来,也就是美国的40年代之后,所有的白宫媒体记者一整个美国媒体行业基本上都因为赞成小罗斯福新政全部都变成了民主党进步人士。而美国媒体主流媒体中,现在唯一的保守媒体福克斯也是到90年代中后期才出现的。
S1:2 个窗口回退
来源片段
I'm sad that people can't see your face right now. Very shocked. But I think not everybody listening to this podcast will know that sort of a few of illusions you've made to the idea of people in the Tea Party, for example, actually being very supportive of certain things like social security. And at the same time being very skeptical of some means tested programs. It really speaks to why the research agenda you have, right? So one of your surprising claims is that Americans actually like taxes in some ways. And when we see it as a civic obligation, why it convinces us of that?
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然后这15到30秒,内容通常就是最有挑动性的,最有煽动性的,最容易被人风转的哗众许宠的内容。我问这个老先生,我说你如何看待这个现象呢?我觉得没有人在关心政客,他要讲的完整的内容是什么?在某种程度上来说,难道你们这些撰稿人写的政治演讲,不就因为社交媒体变得不重要了吗?因为反正也没有人会听完一整个演讲,我们在乎的都是这15到30秒的最离谱的片段。那你们就是要抓紧这个片段来利用流行文化引起广泛大众的注意说一些离谱的话,夸大其词。
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Because I think that one of the reasons why you need a political system, why you need a party system, why you need a short-horror political establishment is precisely that it's a set of people who are saying, look, there's a bunch of things that are in contestation between us and a few things that are not. And some of those are basic democratic norms. You know, I don't threaten to jail your political opponent, but some of those are speech norms and truth norms that look like we will not, you know, all of us will massage our fingers a little bit to make our record look better in small ways. It's always been a part of politics, but we're not going to just lie to voters. We're not going to just completely ignore political realities like climate change, say, right?
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但是我们单单说政治演讲的话,这句话read my lipsno new taxes,就是一句非常成功的政治演讲言论。刚才我说了这三个最经典的制造爆款的策略。那我们现在经常在抱怨的什么利用流行文化说离谱的话,故意引战得到关注等等。这些都是20世纪的政治演讲,撰写者已经在不断打磨,不断研究的写作策略。所以他跟我说,他说这种压缩政治演讲到一个小片段的情况一直都存在。
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He then met Peter Teal at a, I think at a talk in Yale. And he said he was struck by the fact that Peter Teal was the most intelligent person he'd ever met.
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这个老先生跟我说,他认识特朗普在做第一任总统任期间的首席演讲撰稿人Steven Miller史蒂芬米勒。他跟我说,他跟米勒聊天的时候,就是这个特朗普的首席演讲撰稿人。
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See, to Lippmann, if you're somebody trying to create one of these pseudo environments, in other words, if you're somebody interested in having an opinion on the world or forming a political stance at all, what you necessarily have to do in order to do that is hear about events that you don't experience have never seen. Yesterday, you had no idea this thing even existed. This thing is usually happening so far away from you that you couldn't possibly understand its proper context. And your job is to form emotional responses to these events. Not just that, these emotional responses are always based on the moral intuitions of the pseudo environment that the person's already created in their head. In other words, the events of the world are always filtered through this preset collection of stereotypes that the person had that helped them create a vision of the world up until that point in the first place.
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而抓住人的注意力是说服他们的起点,你不能够无视这些有效的规则,真正在历史上成功的伟大政治演讲,都是在遵守了这些规则的基础上,或者说理解了这些规则的基础上,然后选择在这个规则中填充自己的血肉播客的。最后我想用一个故事来结尾,我觉得这个故事完美的总结了,为什么很多时候不安适适的年轻人通过自己的观察力,发现社会上一些让他们觉得很失望的现象。因此,对身边这个现实世界产生了一种愤世忌俗的态度,觉得这一切都糟透了,觉得我们这个时代在下降,