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目标片段如果他可以选择的话，我认识的很多古典自由学派的人，他们的立场是认为国家的移民政策应该是非常宽松的。一个极端的古典自由学派的人，他应该是他我见过最极端的人，他认为国家的边境是不应该存在的，我们应该完全的用脚投票。当然这是极端的砍法，在现实中是不可能的。也正是因为这个问题，古典自由主义，我刚才描绘的这种崇尚哈耶克的人，他们在美国，在学术界，虽然说有一定的势力，但是在政界，他们现在的声音和力量是非常小的。
来源片段And it's, you've also got to recognize that under quasi liberalism, it's usually the case, especially because quasi liberalism is often the result of historical racism, right? It's as it is in the United States. It's often the case that even the sort of avenues of change through liberal means are highly unevenly distributed. Black people just have much less ability to be a part of the political conversation. And to demonstrate that I've got my sort of liberal hat on for this one, right? I don't need to sort of reference these big diaphanous concepts like white supremacy and say America is a right.
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From like a very conventional starting point, I end up at something a bit different and maybe unique, I'm not sure I'm not as widely read as some of the political theorists who listen to this. So please do give me your feedback on that one. So yeah, that's sort of what I'm trying to do in this one is sort of think generally about norms. And in doing so, I think I come to a conclusion about how my variant of liberalism and my variant of republicanism click together in a way that's much more theoretically elegant than just sort of all their two different lenses type of approach.
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我认为当美国人叫一个人是自由派的时候说You are a liberal的时候，通常有以下四种可能性，我将会从数量由多到少，差不多这个排名来分别介绍这四种可能性，分别是什么？我在这里的分类会相对而言有点不严谨。我想要非常全面的，尽可能全面的去概括美国的语境。所以说我对于自由派的理解是美国普通人使用这个词的时候，他们是什么意思，而不是学者。因为如果我们要进入学者领域的话，从我个人的理解来说，17 18 19 20世纪的自由主义都在不断的演变。
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But overall, big picture that is definitely arbitrary and unaccountable power, which is necessarily a liberal, right? And there's a few other examples I can give, but I think big picture, you know, I would call America quasi liberal. Whereas I might give the label sort of generally liberal, at least according to this sort of model of liberalism that I've set up, to say maybe some European democracies, because the European democracies will still have arbitrary and unaccountable power. They'll still have uneven distribution of sort of right to speak and education and so on. But those problems are less. And the arbitrary and unaccountable power isn't as extreme.
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或者说是libertarian,就是信封哈耶克的那批人。我知道在欧洲语境中，对于这批人的称呼是不同的，可能会直接叫他们liberal.但是在美国，他们就叫做libertarian第四种自由派呢也是最少的一种可能性，是针对美国目前各种反自由主义后自由主义post liberalism的浪潮涌出来的一批坚守自由主义堡垒的自由派。他们一般来说，在乎的是学术自由、言论自由、思想自由。这类传统启蒙主义思想，这是四个比较笼统的概括。大家可以看到，在美国的现代语境中，当你说一个人是自由派的时候，这个意思可能从进步到保守。
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In a fully liberal society, that value would not be necessary because people wouldn't need to reclaim their humanity because it wouldn't have been stripped from them in the first place, right? Should that trouble us? Are we like losing something by moving to full liberalism? No, I don't think so. Other forms of freedom, of autonomy, of development, of flourishing, of flourishing will become available in a liberal society where they weren't in a quasi-liberal society, right?
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那就是他觉得这种传统的西方启蒙主义背后所代表的理性、科学自由，价值观是一件好事，是一件值得维护的事。虽然说现在西方社会，美国社会可能离这个启蒙主义价值观越来越遥远。现在美国这种乱七八糟的西方社会让启蒙价值看起来越来越不可能。但是这群自由派这群liberal会认为生活在现代的，我们应该要去保护，或者说重塑这个脆弱的、有价值的东西。在他们说我是一个自由派的时候，他们的意思是我相信启蒙是一件好事17 18世纪的启蒙主义背后的价值观，