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目标片段第四，他们相信跨党派合作不要求消除差异。一个民主党人和两个共和党人可以在美国国内政策上相互反对，却可以在外交问题上建立深刻的友谊和长期合作。如今，迈凯恩利伯曼和格雷奥姆都已经去世。随着前两天最后一位三剑克离场消失的是一种特定的美国政治人物。他们相信美国应当领导世界，相信这种领导既需要力量，也需要道德，相信党派不会完全吞没个人判断，
来源片段And this kind of, these will be my characterizations. You can obviously accept or reject them as you please, but the balance that they were all negotiating and seemed to share a vision of how to negotiate it between American power and its importance and a certain kind of internationalism, a certain kind of idealism about the world. You know, another characterization for me, you know, Senators McCain and Lieberman obviously were not, they're not preternaturally inclined to accept the Trump era in Republican politics. There was something about Senator Graham that made it possible for him to do that, perhaps uniquely of the three, as indeed he did.
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So very relevant from his biography is that years and years ago, he was also senior national security advisor to Senator Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut, professional staff member on a committee that Senator Lieberman was chair of. Vance, thank you so much for coming on School of War. Thanks so much, Aaron. It's an absolute privilege and an honor to be able to be with you today. So we are speaking on the sad occasion of the death of Senator Lindsey Graham, a man with a very significant career and an impact on American politics and American foreign policy in the life of the Senate.
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林》2026年6月11日，美国参议员林塞格雷、厄姆、林塞克林克莱去世，享年71岁。他是《独树不成林》这个播客分析美国时政的时候，绕不开的一个共和党内的大人物。我在《分析特朗普》的播客里面，经常提到他的名字。他是过去20多年美国国会最重要、也最典型的共和党建制派人物格雷厄姆从2003年起担任南卡罗莱纳州联邦参议员，长期活跃于参议员、军事委员会和司法委员会深度参与美国的战争外交与国家安全政策。
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He was the president of the Democratic vice presidential nominee under then vice president Al Gore, first person of Jewish faith to be the the vice presidential nominee of a major political party. He then in 2006, however, lost the Democratic primary in Connecticut, really on the basis of of one issue, which was the war in Iraq, together with actually in hindsight, the majority of Democrats in the Senate had supported the authorization for use of military force back in in 2002.
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于是，格雷厄姆选择放弃竞选众议院连任开始竞选参议院，并且成功当选他于2003年正式就职南卡罗兰亚州的参议员，这是他政治生涯中最关键的一次月前，因为那个席位在南卡罗兰亚州政治里面具有极强的象征性，
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Senator McCain, of course, in 2007, you know, saying that he would rather lose an election, in that case the Republican primary for the presidency, then lose a war. This belief that there are some things that go beyond politics. Now, I would say this also, which is part of, I think, what was so striking about the friendship of the three amigos is they shared a set of values, shared a set of convictions about the world, but they were incredibly different people.
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因此，麦凯恩当时就会说，他宁可输掉总统选举，也不愿输掉一场战争。这句话最能够概括这三剑客的政治伦理。他们认为，有些问题比选举更加重要，有些责任不能随着民调的变化而变化，这当然也是他们这套外交传统最危险的地方。他倾向于高估美国，塑造他国政治的能力，低估军事干预的意外后果。伊拉克战争造成的灾难，最终严重损害了美国这套自由国际主义的道德信誉，也使美国公众越来越怀疑所谓的美国领导世界，
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You know, Senator Lieberman, completely different background, you know, kind of Ivy League, educated Yale, Yale Law School lawyer, did not serve in the military, you know, New Englander. And then, you know, Senator Graham, who, you know, grew up, as he would say, in the back room of his family's bar, you know, who came from a small town in South Carolina, you know, a military lawyer, Jag, you know, orphaned, you know, really, really tough childhood in, I think, many ways.
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利伯曼是耶鲁法学院毕业的民主党人，他是温和的，是沉着的，有一种冷静的性格。格雷厄姆来自南卡罗兰娜州，他是一个小镇青年，这三个人不是因为彼此性格相近，成为朋友，是他们在彼此身上找到了在美国政坛缺少的品质。