最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段我们再看另外一个德国思想家亚斯贝尔斯亚斯贝尔斯在40年代把美国和苏联同时称为西方文明的两个最终结构。在这样的语境中，西方就不是一个对抗性的政治阵营。西方是一个包含美国和苏联的文明空间。当然这种理解很快就崩塌了。我刚才说这一切都发生在1946年前后，那么到了1947年，随着德国问题谈判、破裂，意识形态对立加剧，苏联迅速从西方的一部分转变成了西方的敌人。
来源片段Communists would have been defeated in Eastern Europe. And so once he started to realize that, and we're talking about late 1946, 1947, I think he changed his whole approach, and he realized that if he wanted to maintain his fear of influence in Eastern Europe, at least, then he would have to be through brutal intimidation. You on this question of the American dilemma, you were at the Kissinger Center, and you quote Henry Kissinger, this fantastic line that sums up the dilemma that the powers which represent legitimacy and the status quo cannot know that their antagonist is not amenable to reason until he has demonstrated it.
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but also in France and Italy, where communists were making gains. And then Stalin realized that this was not going to happen. Elections were being held without Soviet intervention, without Soviet manipulation. Communists would have been defeated in Eastern Europe. And so once he started to realize that, and we're talking about late 1946, 1947, I think he changed his whole approach, and he realized that if he wanted to maintain his fear of influence in Eastern Europe, at least, then he would have to be through brutal intimidation.
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比如说在1946年，杜伯伊斯仍然会说是俄国人拯救了西方文明。杜伯伊斯是一个非常有名的思想家，而且它代表的不是一个边缘想法。因为在1945年二战刚刚结束的语境中，很多明眼人士不仅仅是杜伯伊斯，事实，就是大家都会承认，如果没有苏联的抵抗和反攻，西欧可能已经沦陷。因为纳粹德国是在东线被击垮的，不是在西线斯大林格勒战役和库尔斯克战役是二战的决定性转折点。苏联在二战中承受了战争中最巨大的伤亡。
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He keeps talking about this idea of the Soviet Union as the European power. And so he sees the tone, European the tone, but also ultimately the turn towards the United States as part of an effort to counter China, which he sees as an existential threat for Russia. Existential threat almost in kind of civilizational terms. So that is another factor. Another in the next factor, I would say that has been understressed, I think, is the economic factor.
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李普曼，美国知识分子的大西洋共同体强调的是跨大西洋整合，而英国方案试图建立一个相对独立的西欧中心。在前者那里，美国是核心，在后者那里，美国既是盟友，也是潜在威胁英国外交官，甚至将美国和苏联并列列为文化边缘的半野。蛮国家强调欧洲需要在两者之间维持平衡。美国既是西方的一部分，也是西方的威胁。我接下来想要展开讲讲，对于欧洲人而言，对于欧洲思想家而言，冷战不是西方阵营对抗东方阵营，而是欧洲被夹在两股野蛮力量之间的生存危机，这就是西方的内在分裂，对吧？
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The document was called basic principles of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, and it emphasized equality. It emphasized equality because for Brezhnev, the key factor was that the Americans were now coming around. As you said, the Americans were recognizing that they're kind of, you know, not necessarily on the way down, but they have to make some space for an emerging power. And this emerging power was the Soviet Union. And therefore the Americans would henceforth have to recognize the Soviet equality and indeed manage the world together with the United States.
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历史学家Arnold托英比托英比提出战后世界呈现出一种夹在东方野蛮人和西方野蛮人之间的局面。托英比是英国历史学家这个东方野蛮人说的是苏联，你觉得西方野蛮人说的是谁啊？说的是美国，对吧？在德国社会民主党人中，尤其是那些曾经流亡英美的知识分子普遍出现了一种构想，那就是建立一个欧洲联邦作为介于美苏之间的第三力量。这一设想本身已经说明，在他们看来，西方并不等同于美国，美国无法领导西方，欧洲也不愿意简单归属于任何一方。