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目标片段他的父亲在他还是一个婴儿的时候就被谋杀了。
来源片段His father was murdered when he was an infant.
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Welcome back to Breaking History. In the last episode, we explored the prelude to Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979, the rise of the Pallavi dynasty. In this episode, we examine the life of the cleric who helped lead that revolution. His name was Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and he ended 2500 years of Iranian monarchs from his exile in a chateau on the outskirts of Paris. He couldn't have done that without the consent and support of liberals and leftists at home and abroad.
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那么我们今天来从头追溯一下伊朗伊斯兰政权如何通过1979年的伊斯兰革命掌握权力，他一共经历了两届最高领袖第一届是霍梅尼。第二任，就是在今天刚刚被斩首的哈美内伊。我今天想要讲的这个故事是霍梅尼当年如何建立伊朗伊斯兰政权？如何发动1979年的伊斯兰革命？通过这场革命粉碎了波斯长达2500年的君主制。为何这样一个伊斯兰主义者能够在伊朗内部获得进步左翼人士的支持，他不仅获得了伊朗国内进步左翼以及女权主义者的支持，
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Iran is a country of recurring earthquakes and in 1960 suffered from one of the most violent in the nation's modern history.
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在60年代，伊朗遭遇了近代史上最严重的地震之一。
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It brought death and destruction to 200 communities scattered over a wide area and temporarily made untillable hundreds of thousands of agricultural acres, farmlands in which the country's economy greatly depends.
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这场地震给散布在广袤土地上的200多个社区带来了死亡和破坏，并且使数十万英亩的农田暂时无法耕种。
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Ironically, one of the causes of the new rioting was the Shah's land reform program instituted to ease the lot of the country's impoverished peasants at the expense of large land holders. A secondary contributing trouble factor was the Shah's plans for the emancipation of the nation's women.
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具有讽刺意味的是，引发暴乱的原因之一是国王当时正在推行的土地改革计划，国王的土地改革计划计划，旨在改善贫困农民的境遇，但是它损害了大地主的利益。
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A secondary contributing trouble factor was the Shah's plans for the emancipation of the nation's women. Rioting against this program was led by leaders of a strict Muslim sect opposed to women's suffrage.
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与此同时，另外一个促成国内骚乱的因素是国王同时提出了解放妇女计划，反对这项计划的这些暴乱者，他们是反对给予妇女选举权的。
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The now middle-aged Shah has survived two failed coups, national strikes as well as frosty relations with the Kennedy administration.
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那个时候他已经经历了两次未遂的政变全国罢工，以及和美国肯尼迪政府的冷淡关系。
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He appoints a new prime minister about every 11 months. In reality, he tolerates corruption.
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在此时此刻，就到60年代的时候，伊朗国王大约每11个月任命一位新总统，他对于腐败持着容忍态度，也经常解雇被指控腐败的部长。但是很多时候，解雇这些腐败官员只是为了捞取公关资本。
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And he has authorized the secret police force known as the Savak to spy on his allies and opponents.
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与此同时，伊朗国王还成立了一个叫做Savak就沙瓦克的秘密警察部队用来监视他的盟友和对手。
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In this period, he is a bold leader, not the unsure monarch who had to be persuaded by his own family and a parade of US officials to fire Mosada in 1953. By 1963, the Shah would be furthering his father's legacy of modernization.
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这个时候，他比起53年跟莫萨台争权的时候，这个伊朗国王变成了一个更加果断的领袖，而不是1953年。那个需要家人需要一群美国官员盖纳，劝说他才同意罢免莫萨台的那个犹豫不决的君主，他长大了，他变老了。
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By 1963, the Shah would be furthering his father's legacy of modernization.
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到了1963年，伊朗国王开始进一步推进他父亲的现代化进程。
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He called it the White Revolution.
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他管这个现代化进程叫做白色革命。
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Iran in this period was no longer a constitutional monarchy as it was in the 1940s and early 1950s.
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这个时候的伊朗已经不再是像20世纪40年代50年代这样的。
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At the same time, the White Revolution was in substance exactly the kind of reforms advocated by the Shah's former rival Mosada and before him the original liberals during the constitutional revolution of 1906.
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那发起的这场现代化进程，白色革命在实际上和伊朗国王的前对手莫萨台以及更早的1906年，
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At the core of the Shah's decrees was the transfer of land owned by the old aristocracy to the subsistence farmers who worked on their plantations.
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这个白色革命的法令核心是把旧贵族拥有的土地转移给那些在他们种植园劳作的自给自足的农民。
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In this sense, the White Revolution really was revolutionary.
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从这个意义上讲，白色革命确实具有革命性。
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Even the land reform aspect has different phases because once you give peasants land, you have to establish some sort of a bank for them to be able to get money to buy farm implements that they didn't have themselves.
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因为一旦把土地分配给农民，就必须要建立某种形式的银行，能够让他们获得资金购买农民没有的农具，
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It had other elements to it, as you mentioned, women's franchise, the ability to vote in elections. And it had other aspects to it.
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与此同时，它也包括了妇女解放。比如说妇女选举权就是女人在选举中投票的权利，然后它还涉及其他方面。
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And when you essentially sent a literacy core from Tehran to the villages, you're taking over the function of education from the clergy to the state.
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当你把扫盲法庭，从首都德黑兰派到农村的时候，你就把教育农村人的职能，从宗教人士手中转移到了国家手中。
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The land reform would cut the clerics out of the process and this threat to the status and finances of the cleric had consequences. And those consequences took the form of a particularly austere and radical ayatollah.
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然而，伊朗国王的土地改革使得这些宗教人士无法再参与其中，他把他们给排除出去了。这种对于神职人员的地位和财政的威胁带来的后果就是出现了一位格外严厉而且激进的阿雅图拉。
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Born in 1902, he was nearly 20 years the Shah's senior and he considered the ruler of Iran to be a weak and feckless dilettante.
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霍梅尼生于1902年，他比伊朗国王年长了将近20岁。
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Khomeini had more in common with the Shah's father, who also endured poverty and hardship as a child.
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霍梅尼觉得他自己是和现在的这个伊朗国王的爸爸更为相似，他们两个人同年都饱受贫困和苦难。
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Now by the summer of 1963, the gloves were off for Khomeini. All of his resentment at Iran's feckless king poured out of him in a famous speech, delivered at the Fazayad Seminary, where only a few months earlier the Savak had arrested his students.
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到了1963年夏天，霍梅尼彻底爆发，他对伊朗国王这位软弱无能的君主充满了怨恨，他把这些怨恨都发泄在了他在阿扎雅德发表的著名演讲里面，因为那个国王在那里逮捕了他的学生，于是，他用最直接的方式去攻击国王假装为国王着想，他警告国王说，
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He warned him that if he continued the reforms of the White Revolution, he would face the same fate as his father, who was exiled and dethroned after the British and Soviet armies invaded Iran in 1941 during World War II. Here is a portion of that speech.
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如果他继续推进这一系列的白色革命改革就会落得和他父亲一样的下场。他父亲在二战期间就1941年在美苏联军入侵伊朗之后被流放，并且废除那个霍梅尼以下是他演讲的翻译内容。
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To learn a lesson from the experience of your father?
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你难道不应该从你父亲的经历中汲取教训吗？
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If what they say is true, that you are opposed to Islam and the religious scholars, your ideas are quite wrong.
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如果你反对伊斯兰和宗教学者，那么你的想法就大错特错了，你应该好好想想你为什么说话不经大脑，
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Are the religious scholars really some form of impure animal?
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宗教学者真的都是一些不洁之物吗？
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If they are impure animals, why do the people kiss their hands?
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如果他们是不洁之物，人们为什么还要亲吻他们的手？
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Khomeini had been delivering speeches like this for months, but this one crossed a line.
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其实霍梅尼在过去几个月一直在发表类似的演讲。
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He was now personally attacking the Iranian leader.
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但是这一次他对伊朗国王进行了人身攻击。
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Well, you have to remember that in modern Iranian politics there was always a balance between the state and the mosque.
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在这里我们必须要记住，在伊朗政治中，国家和清真寺之间存在着一种平衡，就是这些教士，这些毛拉们或许会成为政治人物。
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The mullahs could be political figures, but for the most part the clerics did not concern itself with governing by the dictates of Shia Islam. This quietist tradition, as it is known, was the consensus view of the grand ayatollahs, the imams that had the most respect among their peers. But just because there was a consensus that the clerics would concern themselves with the spiritual realm did not mean they did not have an influence on politics. The initial uprising that led to the constitutional revolution that we covered in episode one was sparked by a mullah, Jamal al-Din Isfahani, railing against excessive price controls on sugar.
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在这里我们必须要记住，在伊朗政治中，国家和清真寺之间存在着一种平衡，就是这些教士，这些毛拉们或许会成为政治人物。但是大多数情况下，宗教人士并不致力于使用什叶派伊斯兰教的教义进行统治。什叶派伊斯兰教的教义。它不是一个像现在这样的统治性宗教，这是一个进修。传统宗教人士普遍认为，他们会专注于精神领域。因此，宗教和政治之间的共识就是政治也不会去干涉宗教。至于今天的这个伊朗伊斯兰政权对于什叶派传统教义发生了怎样的改变？我已经在之前那期讲什叶派的播客里面介绍过来，在这里不详细介绍。
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Now we should also say that there were limits. The Shah could not allow a popular ayatollah to prophesize his demise and insult him personally.
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伊朗国王那么凡事都有底线，国王不能够允许一位颇受民众爱戴的宗教领袖阿雅图拉在那里预言他什么时候死，并且对他进行人生侮辱。
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So on June 5th, the Shah sent his savak to the Fazayed Seminary again in Qom, their mission?
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因此，在63年6月5日，伊朗国王再次派出他的秘密警察前往这个库姆的法扎耶德神学院，他们的任务是逮捕霍梅尼。
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They burned cinemas and banks.
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他们焚烧电影院和银行，他们砸碎集市的橱窗。
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They staged sit-ins at bus stations and police precincts.
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他们在公交车站和警察局静坐示威，这不是和平示威，这是一场暴乱。
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At least 125 rioters perished in the clashes.
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载着士兵和消防车，以及警用消防车一起前往巴扎集市的入口，在冲突中，至少有125名暴徒丧生。
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Some estimates say it's as high as 400.
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还有一些估计死亡人数高达400个人。
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Now, we should make it clear that Khomeini at this point is a reactionary figure.
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在这里，我们必须要指出，此时此刻的霍梅尼，他仍然是一个保守派反动人物，对吧？
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His quarrel is with the Shah, building secular schools in the countryside and giving women the right to vote in a referendum.
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他反对国王在农村新建世俗学校把教育的权利，从宗教人士的手中给夺走了，以及他反对国王通过全民公投赋予女人投票权。
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Add to this, Khomeini is also a proponent of terrorism.
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与此同时，霍梅尼在很早的时候就是恐怖主义的支持者。
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Khomeini was a radical Islamist long before he became the Khomeini that they're looking at today.
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早在成为我们今天熟知的那个建立了伊斯兰政权的霍梅尼之前，他就已经在当时伊朗活跃的国内神学人士中是一个相当激进的，
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This is Abbas Milani, historian and the director of Iranian studies at Stanford University.
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我的这个观点来自于我读斯坦佛大学伊朗研究中心主任阿巴斯米拉尼的历史学家。
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In 1940, Islamist terrorist by the name of Nabhava Safavi emerges on the scene, kills one of Iran's most prominent secular intellectuals called Khashrivi. And Grand Ayatollah of the time, the most influential Ayatollah probably in 20th century Shiaism, Ayatollah Burjati, bans Safavi from all seminaries.
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他讲到在1945年，当时有一个伊斯兰恐怖分子叫做这个恐怖分子，杀害了伊朗最杰出的世俗知识分子，也是当时什叶派的最高领袖。然后这个事件之后，20世纪什叶派中最具有影响力的阿亚图拉，就是宗教领袖，名字叫做阿亚图拉波拉、
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So one must ask, how could Iran's progressives and liberals sublimate their movement to the leadership of a terror loving reactionary in 1979?
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那么伊朗内部的进步人士和自由派怎么会在1979年把他们的运动信任给交付给这样的一个热爱恐怖主义的反动派领导呢？
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One part of that answer is that Khomeini had a remarkable gift for couching his post-modern medieval politics in the language of anti-imperialism.
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答案一部分在于霍梅尼有一种非凡的天赋，他能够把自己的这套中世纪神学政治包装成后，现代反帝国主义的语言。
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Remember, this is 1963, a few years after the publication of Franz Fanon's Wretched of the Earth, a text that is still revered by campus radicals more than 60 years later and inspired the more secular Yasser Arafat to form the Palestine Liberation Organization.
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要知道，在1963年是弗朗兹法农那本《地球上的受苦者》刚刚出版几年，这本书在60多年以来仍然受到校园激进分子和大学知识分子的推崇。
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All this presented a major problem for the Shah.
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这一切给当时的伊朗国王带来了一个棘手的问题。
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On the one hand, he could not allow Khomeini to continue to stir up the country.
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一方面他不能够允许霍梅尼这样的阿雅图拉继续在宗教城市里煽动全国。
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He was an ayatollah. There was an unwritten rule against executing these senior clerics who held much sway over street politics, and Khomeini certainly had that.
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霍梅尼不仅声望很高，而且作为阿雅图拉，当时的伊朗有一条不成文的规定，就是国王不能够处决那些对街头政治影响巨大的高级神职人员，霍梅尼无疑具备了这样的地位。
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Khomeini had now begun to attack an agreement between America and Iran that stipulated any American arrested for a crime in Iran would be tried in an American court.
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就这项协议规定说，任何在伊朗境内因为犯罪被捕的美国公民都将在美国法庭受审，这其实是一道相当正常的和平协议条款，对吧？
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For Khomeini, though, this was a betrayal of Iran's national honor.
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对于霍梅尼来说，这是对于伊朗国家荣誉的背叛，以下是他的原话。
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They have reduced the Iranian people to a level lower than that of an American dog.
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他说，美国人把伊朗人民贬到比美国的狗还不如的地步。
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If someone runs over a dog belonging to an American, he will be prosecuted.
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如果有人撞死了美国人的狗，他就会被起诉。
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Even if the Shah himself were to run over a dog belonging to an American, he would be prosecuted.
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即使是国王本人撞死了，美国人的狗也会受到起诉。
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He sent the Ayatollah at first to Turkey, but he would end up in the Iraqi holy city of Najaf.
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国王，最初把霍梅尼派到了土耳其，但是霍梅尼自己最终跑到了就是伊朗旁边伊拉克的圣臣纳杰夫纳扎夫，
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Exiling Khomeini was the kind of thing earlier Shahs of different dynasties would have done with a meddlesome Ayatollah.
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霍梅尼是以前不同王朝的伊朗国王们对于那些爱管闲事的阿雅图拉，通常都会做的事情。
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But Khomeini is a 20th century Ayatollah. And as such, he was an early innovator when it came to mass communication.
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但是呢霍梅尼的区别在于什么？他是一个20世纪的阿雅图拉，他可以跟着科技与时俱进。
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And as such, he was an early innovator when it came to mass communication. He would record his sermons, and his network of followers would distribute these tapes all over the country.
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霍梅尼无疑在大众传播方面是一个创新者，他会把自己的步道给录下来，然后由他的追随者网络，把这些录音带分发到伊朗全国各地。
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And this strategy was already at play in the early 1960s, during the Shah's white revolution.
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这个策略早在20世纪60年代初，就是白色革命期间就已经奏效了。
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I remember clearly in 1962, going with my mother to the bazaar, and she, sort of upper middle class, more or less modern woman, getting a tape of Khomeini and bringing it to the house, and bringing one of my uncles, who was a very prominent minister of the government, to listen to these tapes.
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他说，我清楚的记得1962年，我和母亲去集市，我的母亲是一位相当典型的中上层阶级女性思想比较现代。
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So I saw firsthand the kind of influence that it had at the time.
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所以我亲眼目睹了当时她的影响力。
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So these messages went viral, both in the early 60s and in the late 1970s. Millions of people heard them and it was hypnotic.
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当她一寄出录音带的时候，这些录音带就能迅速在伊朗各地传播开来。因此，霍梅尼的言论在20世纪60年代初到70年代末，迅速的让数以百万计的人听到他们具有催眠般的魔力。部分。
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His power grew when Homeini called for strikes on these tapes, they happened. And when he told people to take to the streets in these tapes, it happened.
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当霍梅尼在录音带中呼吁罢工的时候，伊朗罢工就会发生。当她在录音带中号召人们走上街头的时候，人们就走上了街头。
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And when he told the Shah to get the hell out of Iran, well, in 1979, he did.
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当她在录音带中命令国王滚出伊朗的时候，国王在1979年真的滚出了伊朗OK.
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Now, in the later part of the 1960s, Homeini was relatively quiet.
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我们到了20世纪60年代的后期，霍梅尼相对低调。
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He was in Najaf, the most important seminary city for Shia Islam located in southern Iraq.
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她那时候在纳杰夫就伊拉克的纳杰夫憋大着纳杰夫是一座位于伊拉克南部的什叶派伊斯兰教最重要的神学城市。
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And it was in Najaf that Homeini began to write the lectures that became his book, Islamic Government.
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在纳杰夫霍梅尼开始撰写，后来成为他的经典著作的伊斯兰政府的讲稿。
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This was in some ways comparable to Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf in that it was a documented record of Homeini's plans for the future. He intended to replace Iran's model of constitutional monarchy with a state run by clerics.
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从某种程度上说，这个和希特勒的《我的奋斗》有着相似之处。因为他记录了霍梅尼对于未来的规划，霍梅尼打算用一个由神职人员统治的国家，取代伊朗的君主力限制这个神权政体的核心策略，将致力于摧毁犹太国家。
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It's worth noticing a few things here.
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那这里有几点值得注意。
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Homan is a Shia cleric, but he is now aping the message of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood, the original proponents of political Islam.
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霍梅尼是一个伊斯兰什叶派教士，但是他在这本书中在模仿的是逊尼派穆斯林兄弟会的言论。
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The consensus view of Shia theologians in this period is that the Mullahs and Ayatollahs should not rule Muslim nations until the 12th hidden Imam returns to Earth. Homan is mentioned, for example, of the Majid al-Aqsa as a direct lift from the first grand mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husayni, who stoked violent riots against Jews in Hebron in 1929 based on the lie that Jews sought to destroy the al-Aqsa mosque.
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在这个时期，除了霍梅尼之外的其他什叶派神学家的共识是在什叶派的教义中，他们的第十二位引顿伊玛姆重返人间之前，阿雅图拉和毛拉不应该统治穆斯林国家。
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The other point is that in this very Islamic approach to geopolitics, Homan is also calling for the restoration of a lost empire.
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霍梅尼在这种极具伊斯兰色彩的地缘政治策略中，他在呼吁重建一个失落的帝国，这也是我后来我未来会点出的一个讽刺之处。
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Even though Homan would find that the world's anti-imperialists lined up behind his revolution in 1979, Homan was always an imperialist himself.
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尽管全世界的反地主义者都支持霍梅尼的革命，但是霍梅尼本人其实始终都是一个帝国主义者。
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When Islamic government came out in 1970, the Shah banned its publication in Iran.
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在1970年霍梅尼的书《伊斯兰政府》出版的时候，这本书在伊朗被禁止发行。
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Imagine if Homan's plans for Iran were widely debated and well known, perhaps many of the liberals and socialists who threw their support behind him for the 1978 and 79 revolution would have thought twice.
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那么我想问的是，那些在1978年和1979年伊斯兰革命中支持他的自由主义者和社会主义者是不是会三思而后行呢？
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But because this text remained relatively obscure in the run up to the revolution, at least in Iran, it was easier for the many factions opposed to the Shah to delude themselves into thinking that Khomeini would not seek real political power. And this brings us to the Shah himself.
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也恰恰是因为这本书被禁了，所以现实就是在伊斯兰革命前期，至少在伊朗这些观点是显为人知的，因此反对国王的众多派别更容易自欺欺人的认为霍梅尼他不是在寻求真正的政治权利，因为实业派教士从来没有寻求过真正的政治权利OK 接下来我们必须要把话锋转到国王身上，毕竟一个巴掌拍不响，我们也得讨论。
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He enjoyed bedrock support from the American government that sold him the most advanced fighters, tanks and guns in the U. S. arsenal.
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他得到了美国政府的坚定支持，美国政府向他出售了美国军火库中最先进的战斗机坦克和枪支。
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But many were beginning to notice the vast tazm between the rich and poor in Iran.
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但是许多人开始注意到伊朗贫富差距的重大鸿沟。
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Some economists estimated that half of the population lived below the poverty line, despite the land reforms which were meant to improve the lives of Iranian peasants, most still only survived on about $2 a day.
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一些经济学家估计，当时伊朗有一半人口生活在贫困线以下，尽管他确实进行了旨在改善伊朗农民生活的土地改革，
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So one way to understand why the American and European left in 1979 would end up treating Khomeini as a democratic revolutionary leader is because he was replacing a selfish king.
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因此，我们要理解，为什么1979年西方美国和欧洲的左翼人士会把霍梅尼视为民主革命领袖，
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We are now listening to a propaganda film commissioned by the Iranian government in 1971 to commemorate what has been described as the most expensive party of all time. That voice is none other than the legendary filmmaker and actor Orson Welles. The film Flame of Persia commemorates the 2500th anniversary of the coronation of Cyrus the Great, the first Shah in Iranian history, the founder of the acclimated Persian Empire. For this party, the Shah transformed the ancient capital of that empire, Persepolis, into a kind of desert resort.
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我们在这里举一个最极端的案例，大家现在在网上搜，还是能搜到这个照片的。在伊朗老百姓明明还很穷的情况下，在1971年伊朗国王在伊朗南部的沙漠深处，伊朗古都波斯波里斯，也就是2500年前的阿奇美尼德帝国的新藏地带。为了波斯建国2500周年举办一场史无前例的豪华庆典，美国前国务卿乔治鲍尔在回忆录里这样描绘这个场景，伊朗国王亲自率宾客前往居鲁士大帝的陵墓，至近居鲁士大帝是谁？
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The film Flame of Persia commemorates the 2500th anniversary of the coronation of Cyrus the Great, the first Shah in Iranian history, the founder of the acclimated Persian Empire. For this party, the Shah transformed the ancient capital of that empire, Persepolis, into a kind of desert resort.
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他是旧约中被上帝拣选的君王，是伊朗文明的波斯文明的奠基人，国王的意思很明确，今天的伊朗王权直接继承2500年前的帝国荣光。为了这三天的庆典，波斯波里斯被国王改造成了一座沙漠中的奢华度假城1500棵树从国外空运而来，
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The highlight was a five and a half hour banquet, catered by Maxime of Paris, which featured a 70 meter long serpentine table for more than 60 heads of state and various kings and princes from the world's royal families.
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70米长的蜿蜒长桌上坐着60多位国家元首和王室成员。
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After the revolution, the new regime claimed the Shah spent billions, but it's more likely the costs were more likely in the range of $200 to $400 million, still a whopping sum. At the time, Barbara Walters asked the Shah about the extravagant cost.
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革命后，官方说，花了十几亿美元，比较可信的姑娘是花了两到四亿美元，无论哪个数字都足以震撼。当时有大量贫困人口的社会。
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On October 31, 1971, Khomeini issued a statement declaring the incompatibility of monarchy and Islam on the Shah's 2500th anniversary celebration while blaming a familiar enemy for this desecration. I proclaimed the governments and heads of state that means to take part in this abominable festival, that it has no connection with the people of Iran, and that to participate in it is to participate in the murder of oppressed people of Iran.
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就在这样的一场金碧辉煌的庆典举行之际，流亡海外的宗教领袖霍梅尼发表声明，严厉谴责这场庆典是反伊斯兰的亵渎行为指控背后有以色列专家的参与，他号召穆斯林国家抵制伊朗国王。
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Historians have debated the spark that lit the fuse of the Islamic revolution in Iran, but at the very least, this extravagant celebration of the Persian Empire of antiquity with its champagne toast and French catering, well, it wasn't the very least a precursor. After the break, the Shah loses his grip and the liberals fall in line.
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就是在当代伊朗历史上有一个争议，非常大点，是历史学家在讨论点燃伊朗伊斯兰革命导火索的火花究竟是什么？至少我们可以说1971年这场以香槟炷酒和法式餐饮为特色的对于古代波斯帝国的豪华庆典，至少是一个预兆。
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A little more than a week before the Islamic revolution would begin. What made Carter's toast extraordinary is that the man had campaigned on a human rights first farm policy and made his predecessors arm sales to Iran a campaign issue.
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伊朗在这个动荡的地区成为一片稳定的绿洲问题，就是在这场晚宴之后的一个星期，伊朗革命开始爆发。那么这段祝九词之所以显得讽刺，是因为美国总统卡特竞选的时候，他主打人权外交，他曾经批评前任政府向伊朗出售大量武器。
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In this environment, the Shah ordered the country's largest newspaper, Et alat, to run a prominent editorial accusing Ayatollah Khomeini being a British agent based on the fact that his grandfather once worked for the British Empire in Kashmir. It was a stretch, no doubt.
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伊朗大报Atlok刊登了一篇社论，是攻击流亡宗教领袖霍梅尼的这篇明显是杜撰的社论，就是指控说他是特工，说他是英国特工，因为他的祖父曾经在克什米尔为英国服务这篇文章，在宗教圣臣库姆引发了抗议神学院的学生走上了街头。
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After a martyr is killed, there is a 40-day period of mourning, at the end of which is another round of public demonstrations.
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每一次有烈士殉难的时候，40天之后就会举行纪念仪式，纪念仪式又变成了新的示威。
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And on the 40th day, there were new demonstrations to commemorate the students slain on January 8, 1978. This time, the demonstrations were all over the country and in particular in the bustling city of Tabriz. And this time, there really was rioting. Banks and cinemas were burned. This time, the army and Savak, seeking to quell the violence, wound up killing at least 100. Harold Road, a former Pentagon Middle East analyst, was a PhD student studying in Mashhad, Iran in 1978.
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每一次有烈士殉难的时候，40天之后就会举行纪念仪式，纪念仪式又变成了新的示威。40天又来一次，于是抗议程序慢慢变成了波浪一样的，还慢慢的在不断的扩张。到了2月，伊朗城市大布里市爆发了更大规模的骚乱，银行被烧电影院被砸军队开火，至少有上百人死亡。有一位当时在伊朗独博的美国学者回忆，一开始大家只是在议论，但很快，校园里的每一个同学都走上街头，高喊，打倒阿沙霍梅尼万岁革命开始有了名字。到了1978年夏天，局势彻底失控。
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On August 19th, a group of arsonists locked the doors of cinema wrecks in Abadok and proceeded to light the theater on fire.
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到了8月19日，当时有一个阿巴丹的Cinema Racks就是电影院被纵火400多个人被困在所死的门内被活活烧死。
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To this day, it's unclear who the perpetrators were, although attacking cinemas had been a hallmark of Islamic terrorists in Iran since the 1940s. One might think this would be a wake-up call to liberals and leftists in the opposition movements to be wary of Khomeini and his movement.
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至今，纵火者的身份仍然有争议，有人认为是激进伊斯兰分子所为。为了攻击电影院，电影院在当时的伊朗象征着西化象征着西方好莱坞的腐败。
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But more importantly, they did so at the urging of Khomeini. Now, it's important to say at this point that when the Iranian Revolution begins, the exiled Khomeini leads one of many factions trying to unseat the Shah.
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愤怒是在霍梅尼的号召下，被组织起来，指向了国王。更加值得注意的是，那个时候，霍梅尼不是革命的唯一领袖。
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There are armed Marxist guerrilla fighters, old constitutionalists that were part of Mohammed Mosad's National Front, the Kremlin aligned to Da'a Party and followers of a sociologist named Ali Shariati, who fused Shia Islam with socialism.
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在反对国王的阵营里面，有马克思主义游击队，有民族阵线的宪政派，有清苏的人民党，还有我在上一期播客里面提到的社会学家沙利亚提的追随者就是试图把实业派和社会主义结合的红色实业派。
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And as far as I know, some of the Democrats, to the extent that I've had conversations with them, I've read their memoirs, they thought Khomeini is so reactionary, he can't possibly rule Iran. So we'll use him as a banner, overthrow the Shah, and then take over.
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当时的伊朗左翼人士的算盘其实很清楚，他们知道霍梅尼太反动太保守，根本不可能真正治理国家，不妨先把他当作旗帜，借着他的宗教号召力推翻伊朗国王等着王朝倒下，自己在接手政权。
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So at this point, the Shah realizes he has to do something about Khomeini, who has emerged as the voice and leader of this new revolution.
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与此同时，伊朗国王意识到，霍梅尼在这个时候已经成为了革命的象征人物。
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Though he may be cut off from the seminary students who had been making pilgrimages to study with him and Najaf since the late 1960s, he now has access to the international media, and he proceeds to do 132 interviews with major newspapers and television networks between October of 1978 and January 1979. In this sense, he has the best of both worlds.
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当霍梅尼在伊拉克纳杰夫这个城市的时候，他面对的对象只有宗教学生。但是在巴黎，他能够面对全世界媒体，于是从1978年10月到1979年1月，霍梅尼一共接受了世界媒体132次采访。
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Their intention was to portray the leader of the revolution in Iran as a softer, moderate, even progressive figure.
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目的是为了塑造一个温和平静、甚至进步的革命领袖形象。
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But when asked by Western journalists, Khomeini would talk about how Islam should guide democracy in the background, not replace it. To get a flavor of how these interviews went, this is a clip from Mike Wallace's interview with Khomeini after he returns to Iran at the beginning of the hostage crisis in the fall of 1979.
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他却表示，伊斯兰只是指导民主，不会取代民主。西方媒体大多数接受了这个说法，哪怕到了1979年霍梅尼回国之后，美国记者麦克华莱士就是那个too young too simple的华莱士采访霍梅尼的时候，
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Andrew Young, Jimmy Carter's ambassador to the United Nations, told reporters shortly after Khomeini's return to Iran that the Ayatollah will eventually be regarded as a saint. Then there was Richard Faulk, a Princeton professor of international law, who met with Khomeini during his exile outside of Paris.
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回答，不仅是记者在相信霍梅尼卡特政府的联合国大使安德鲁扬说，霍梅尼最终会被视为圣人普林斯顿教授Richard Falk在纽约时报撰文标题叫做信任。霍梅尼Trusting Khomeini他写道认为，霍梅尼会隐瞒自己的真实意图是令人难以置信的。
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The aims of Iran's vast coalition of groups at the time was to restore the 1906 Constitution, empower the modulus that was defenestrated under the Shah, and build a liberal republic. Well, it was steamrolled, as we now know, in part because Ayatollah Khomeini had a very different vision for how to organize Iran's regime.
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就当时绝大多数的西方人认为反对派的目标只是恢复1906年。宪法重建议会建立伊朗共和国。
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In 1978, Foucault was at the peak of his influence.
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这个人就是福科1978年的法国知识分子，福科正处于声望的巅峰。
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In 1978, he is commissioned by two Italian newspapers to report on the Iranian Revolution, unlike visitors to one of the Soviet Union's Potemkin villages.
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就在这年，他受到了两个意大利报、纸、网游报和新闻报的邀请前往伊朗报道，伊朗革命他去了两次1978年9月8日，
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To start, Foucault is an openly gay man who reveled in the freewheeling group sex culture of the gay underground in Western cities like San Francisco and New York. Did he bother to read the Ayatollah sermons on homosexuality? One wonders. But the other fascinating aspect of Foucault's surgery in Iran is that he is not necessarily fooled by Khomeini's embrace of political Islam. He understands what he wants to do and applauds. For Foucault, political Islam is bubbling with quote, spiritual energy. One thing must be clear.
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社会世俗国家理性的反抗问题在于哪里？福科是一个公开的同信链，他长期沉浸在旧金山和纽约的同信链地下文化之中。他生活在自由，社会自由社会给了他性解放，给了他身体自由，但是他却对一个公开主张严厉宗教法的神职运动，保持着这样的浪漫，期待他甚至写到西方应该避免把自己的女权主义标准强加给伊朗，我无法原谅我无法原谅这样的一个人。
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He has his former prime minister arrested at one point and tries to pass him off as a fall guy. He had lost the people.
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他解散政府，并且逮捕前首相当作替罪羊。他事实上，失去了社会支持。
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It is an army that enjoys no support among the population. There are widespread reports of passive defiance, even mutiny, officers being shot by soldiers, so on and so forth.
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当时的伊朗军队已经如同占领军，他们在民众中毫无支持坊间传闻军队消极抵抗，乃至兵变军官，遭到士兵枪杀。
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On January 16, 1979, Shah departed with his family and servants from Tehran's Marabat Airport, carried with him a small vial of Iranian soil.
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到了1979年1月6日，国王携带他的家人从首都德黑兰离境随身带走了一小瓶伊朗泥土。
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Two weeks later, on February 1, 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini returned from his exile stone-based and triumphant. He was mobbed at the airport by jubilant crowds.
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几分钟内，头条为国王离去的报纸在街头流传两周之后，1979年2月1日，霍梅尼流亡结束，抵达德黑兰机场。他在欢呼的人群中登场，伊斯兰革命由此成行。
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Khomeini appointed his own privy council, who had the real power.
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霍梅尼迅速任命自己的疏密院，掌握了实权。
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Khomeini came back to Iran on February 1, 1979.
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霍梅尼市在79年2月1日回到伊朗。
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On March 4, Khomeini declared that only men could initiate a divorce.
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3月4日宣布，只有男性可以提出离婚。
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Soon after, he ordered women to cover their heads with a veil.
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随后下令女性必须戴头巾面纱。
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By the fall of 1979, it was clear to most Iranians and Americans at least that Khomeini was a monster.
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到了1979年的秋天，至少对于大多数的伊朗人和美国人来说，霍梅尼是一个恶魔，这一点已经很清楚了。
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The Islamic Republic Khomeini created did end up poisoning the world.
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霍梅尼建立的伊斯兰共和国最终确实毒害了世界，不仅毒害了她自己的人民。
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Iran's new regime created Hezbollah, the Islamofascist militia that until last year had taken over Lebanon, conducted terror attacks all over the world, and waged a missile war against northern Israel. Iran is responsible for funding the confessional militias that stoked the civil war in Iraq in the 2000s and 2010s.
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它创建的真主党在黎巴嫩长期扩张在多地发动袭击，对以色列北部发射火箭，伊朗在2000年到2010年，资助宗教民兵，推动伊拉克内战支持，并指导胡塞武装控制野门的大半领土。
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Iran's support of Bashar al-Assad turned the tide of his war against his own people, a war that killed at least 600,000, and sent millions into exile.
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在关键时刻援助阿萨德政权，扭转叙利亚内战走向这场战争，造成至少60万人死亡，数百万人流离失所。
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Khomeini was able to rally the support of the Western world's anti-imperialists, only to pursue a vicious kind of imperialism in the Middle East. His revolution was enabled and empowered by deception.
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霍美尼成功地争取到了西方反帝国主义者的支持。但是他在中东推进了一种残酷的帝国主义。
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He told the Shah's army and secret police that there would be no reprisals if they did not fire on crowds in the last stages of the revolution.
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他告诉国王的军队和秘密警察，如果他们在革命的最后阶段，不向人群开枪，就不会遭到报复。
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He told gullible Western journalists that he believed in democracy for Iran under Islamic guidance.
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他告诉那些容易受骗的西方记者，他相信伊朗会在伊斯兰的指导下实现民主。
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And this is again a sign you know it's easy to see him as a pantomime villain particularly you know for Americans for whom he did become a pantomime villain in 1979-1980 but he is more canny I think and more pragmatic in some ways skillful than people sometimes give him credit for because when he does these interviews he uses speech writers who are not religious conservatives but are people who have been dissidents based in Paris you know Iranian dissidents who are more liberal left-wing secular and they craft his message and they downplay his Islamism.
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我举这个例子，只是在说你看早在40年代的时候，霍梅尼在神职人员中间，他已经是一个很激进的会包容恐怖分子的这样的一个阿亚图拉了，他算是神职人员中比较极端的一个人。因此在这里我们又忍不住要问。那么伊朗内部的进步人士和自由派怎么会在1979年把他们的运动信任给交付给这样的一个热爱恐怖主义的反动派领导呢？答案一部分在于霍梅尼有一种非凡的天赋，他能够把自己的这套中世纪神学政治包装成后，现代反帝国主义的语言。
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out in 1961 and is really the foundational text of kind of post-colonial theory and he's against imperialism right he's against western imperialism so you're from the left but when people on the left hear him talking about the disinherited of the earth you know it absolutely chimes with everything that they're they're reading there's a very famous example a left-wing activist Princeton professor called Richard Falck who wrote about him in the New York Times and he said when the Ayatollah comes in he may well provide a desperately needed model of humane governance for a third world country Foucault is also a big fan wasn't he yeah this is the kind of commentary you get on him at this point now the messages that Homin is sending back to Iran strike a very different
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要知道，在1963年是弗朗兹法农那本《地球上的受苦者》刚刚出版几年，这本书在60多年以来仍然受到校园激进分子和大学知识分子的推崇。霍梅尼不仅知道要怎么把自己的这套中世纪神学政治包装成时髦的后现代反帝国主义，他还是一个民粹主义者。
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Barsagan at this press conference because Khomeini is there and Khomeini says this isn't going to be an ordinary government it's a government based on the sharia opposing this government means opposing the sharia of islam a revolt against god and revolt against god is blasphemy you know people can't say they weren't warned and in Michael Axworth's book he says these two elements of the revolution are always in tension not just in the early days but actually throughout the history of the islamic regime to the present on the one hand it's the islamic republic of Iran you know there is a kind of republican idealism but on the other hand it's the islamic yeah so people do vote there is a parliament women can vote and they still can
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也恰恰是因为这本书被禁了，所以现实就是在伊斯兰革命前期，至少在伊朗这些观点是显为人知的，因此反对国王的众多派别更容易自欺欺人的认为霍梅尼他不是在寻求真正的政治权利，因为实业派教士从来没有寻求过真正的政治权利OK 接下来我们必须要把话锋转到国王身上，毕竟一个巴掌拍不响，我们也得讨论。
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constitution which explicitly pledges to export the revolution and unite the entire islamic world so it's kind of trotskyite islamism exactly so but for chomeini supporters the struggle is not over as so often in revolutions they are very anxious about enemies without and within and by the late summer of 1979 so precisely the point when jimmy carter is giving his sort of breast beating speeches they are focused on two threats in particular first of all the shah the shah has not gone away he has not yet gone to the united states he's been wandering the earth as we will discover next time from morocco to mexico and of course the shah still sees himself as the rightful emperor of iran and he still has people who support him and secondly chomeini supporters
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与此同时，在政治上，她也在大规模的清理所有之前支持过她的自由派社会主义者马克思主义者所有不是伊斯兰主义者的反动人士。到了1979年的秋天，至少对于大多数的伊朗人和美国人来说，霍梅尼是一个恶魔，这一点已经很清楚了。正是在这个时候，伊朗人质危机爆发OK伊朗人质危机过于复杂，在这里不说了，有兴趣你可以自己去查。霍梅尼建立的伊斯兰共和国最终确实毒害了世界，不仅毒害了她自己的人民。
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Scott is a contributing writer for New York Times Magazine who has reported as a veteran war correspondent from many countries around the world and is the author of King of Kings, the story of the rise and the downfall of the last Shah of Iran and the 1979 Iranian Revolution which is the winner of the 2025 Kirkus Prize for Non-Fiction. In the first part of this conversation we are talking about whether we should get our hopes up, what it would take for the Iranian people to win against the regime of the Mullahs, what kind of role the revolutionary guards are likely to play in any new political system where there's genuine hopes for democracy, how that would transform the role of women in Iranian society and the Middle East as a whole.
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在伊斯兰革命卫队最高领袖被杀之际，我们来追溯一下1979年，他们发动的这场伊斯兰革命。我在这里强调的是，1979年以前的20世纪，伊朗现代化进程也非常的复杂有趣。在这个过程中，1953年，美国还推翻了一次伊朗的民主选举，阻止民选领袖莫萨台当选扶持了伊朗王室、巴列维王朝。这个1979年以前的伊朗现代化过程，我们在这里无暇顾及，我们只把视线专注在1979年伊斯兰革命以及霍梅尼这个人身上。
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No, that's right. And, and I think, you know, again, with echoes of to 1978, 79, the Iranian revolution over through the Shah was basically born on the backs of young, uneducated men from the countryside who had come into the city trying to, you know, find their, their piece of the Iranian economic miracle.
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那么我想问的是，那些在1978年和1979年伊斯兰革命中支持他的自由主义者和社会主义者是不是会三思而后行呢？也恰恰是因为这本书被禁了，所以现实就是在伊斯兰革命前期，至少在伊朗这些观点是显为人知的，
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There's also been a very maligned influence in the Middle East more broadly with the support of Hamas and other organizations. How would the Middle East transform in a post Ayatollah Iran? My hunch would be any regime that comes in, whether it's the Revolutionary Guard or a democratic regime or some other dictator, I think that they would immediately, so their proxy forces, Hezbollah, Hamas forces in the Houthis and around, they've all been kind of decimated in the last two years, primarily by the Israelis.
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到了1979年的秋天，至少对于大多数的伊朗人和美国人来说，霍梅尼是一个恶魔，这一点已经很清楚了。正是在这个时候，伊朗人质危机爆发OK伊朗人质危机过于复杂，在这里不说了，有兴趣你可以自己去查。霍梅尼建立的伊斯兰共和国最终确实毒害了世界，不仅毒害了她自己的人民。在新政权建立之后，伊朗支持并塑造地区代理力量。它创建的真主党在黎巴嫩长期扩张在多地发动袭击，对以色列北部发射火箭，伊朗在2000年到2010年，