最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段儿童照护，需要医疗服务、需要环境和教育的保护，需要免受性别和种族歧视，需要免受骚扰和暴力的自由。换言之，她需要一整套额外的公共政策。在孩子出生之后，需要为女性，尤其是贫困女性，扩大更多的可能性，已经拥有选择自由的那些精英受教育。大城市女性眼中的选择自由就是不生育。她们很少关心贫困女性生育之后，作为母亲在教育和公共政策层面的选择自由，这难道不是选择自由吗？与此同时，选择自由，这个概念已经被挪用、被劫持、被武器化了，不仅是被左翼，也被右翼使用。
来源片段We just want women also to have those choices because some of them aren't available to women. And women need the choice about birth control and abortion because they can't have the other choices without it. And it backfires in a sense because, of course, it's countered pretty quickly with some other responses, including the right to life one, which suggests a kind of remoralization of choice, that everything isn't open to choice in the same way, that some things are higher values. And it's also attacked from the left. And the left sometimes says, what does it mean to give people a choice if they can't afford to activate it?
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S1：6 个窗口回退
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And it helps me understand why they consider entitlements and grants and privileges to be a kind of freedom and how that etymology might evolve there. Does that make sense? It does. It's interesting. There's a small nuance in all of this, which is that earlier notions of freedom, sometimes they meant if you're thinking something like spiritual freedom, meant giving up various kinds of choices to live in accord with some rules that you freely adopt. So that's a very different notion of freedom for sure. So for instance, you can freely decide to become a nun or a monk and you give up a lot, but you've done it of your own volition.
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对于选择自由的批评，也发生在这个框架之内，它只不过是这个框架之内的一种反应和倒置，它无法脱离这个框架。我在这里顺嘴提及，我也不会详细展开讨论。随着女性开始争取选择自由的权利之后的享有选择自由权利的群体也在不断扩张，扩张到了残障人士、性别非典型人士，还有青少年甚至儿童。我们能够想象把选择自由当作天赋人权，在逻辑上全面扩张开来的时候，那就意味着如果说人生而为人，就意味着有选择自由，那么选择能力本身具有内在价值。
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Now we think the reason that freedom of choice is freedom is because it gives you two things. It gives you what you want. So like I go into the store, I know what I prefer and I get it. And also because it kind of gives you autonomy, dignity as a person. Human rights is all defined these days about the right to make your own choices. And that means to be a full person, an adult person at least. And so we kind of give choice these two different reasons for being important to us.
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随着女性开始争取选择自由的权利之后的享有选择自由权利的群体也在不断扩张，扩张到了残障人士、性别非典型人士，还有青少年甚至儿童。我们能够想象把选择自由当作天赋人权，在逻辑上全面扩张开来的时候，那就意味着如果说人生而为人，就意味着有选择自由，那么选择能力本身具有内在价值。我们作为人之所以值得被尊重，被他人尊重在于我们被承认为能够做出能够做出自主选择的存在。被谁承认被社会、被政府、被他人、被自己选择自由，这个能力构成了我们作为人格和道德主体的基础。
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And that's important because it's the ability to sort of see what happens and make a new choice that is really sustaining. So if that was sort of the core of democracy, I wouldn't argue with you that that's sort of what we most want. What goes with it? You know, it's become some in some ways our sort of secular religion, but we play it in a really mean way. You know, it's like it's both a moralized setting and it's a winner take all. We've basically lost the ability to compromise. I mean, compromise used to be part of what people imagine democracy is entailing.
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这些特征在她身上已经根深蒂固了，无法改变，她连普通话都不会讲。在如今的这个社会中，霸权，我们的霸权道德大概是理性公民出于自身利益，同意遵守群体制定的选择原则，并且接受她的结果。一整个现代市场经济遵循的也是类似的逻辑。个人欲望孕育选择选择推动市场市场在创造更多的选择。我想说的仅仅是现代主流解释框架的核心，就是把人理解为基于个人偏好而做出自主选择的存在。
来源片段
You know, it's become some in some ways our sort of secular religion, but we play it in a really mean way. You know, it's like it's both a moralized setting and it's a winner take all. We've basically lost the ability to compromise. I mean, compromise used to be part of what people imagine democracy is entailing. That isn't how it works right now. I think it's sometimes worth revisiting these older models, not because we want to emulate them directly, but I think it's important to sometimes see that this isn't the only way you can do democracy.
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我们现在生活的这个世界是一个选择，日益丰富，选择的道德负担，几乎没有的时间选择变得以满足个人偏好为基础。然后我们把这个行为反过来思想，把这个行为正当化成了自然正义。我想说的是，我们讨论女性解放女权的基础的时候，它就是发生在这个现代发展的大框架之内。现代社会当代社会有很多，因为年轻而无知，并且狂热到满足于自己无知的女孩，拒绝承认自己信仰的那个信条，是依附于一整个现代的时代意识的这是他们需要克服的盲目，我们也不应该陷入这种狭隘，选择自由这个概念一直到20世纪相当晚的时候，都还不是女性主义或者其他任何基于权力的政治运动的核心术语。
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It's also a story about politics, about religion and ideas. And it's also a story about social life, about how people adapt to new circumstances. For instance, the change from arranged marriages to selection of a mate based on what do I like again? You know, what appeals to me? So I think you could tell a story in which capitalism simply mows down everything in its wake and leaves us with this set of values. But I don't think you'd get at why, for instance, democracy has to work the way it does.
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把这场辩论转移到一个在1970年代，美国标准下相对不那么敏感的观点，尊重女性作为决策者，尊重女性作为选择者，这个叙事如今就可以被包装成某种常识。因为在美国，社会，女人已经在消费思想、娱乐、职业伴侣、公职候选人等等诸多方面都随着道德观念的变化、法律的变化、社会实践的变化，而能够自由的，在多个选项中做出选择。那么为什么不能够把生育也包括进来？按照这个逻辑，反对堕胎合法化等同于反对自由，反对女性能够像男性这样独立决定自身身体和自我命运的自由，
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They actually think it's, you know, equality, that's worrisome. Population control, very worrisome. All the other options look kind of difficult, but they sort of say, who's going to be opposed to choice? Right. Go ahead. It's just increasing the basket of options. Of course, it doesn't work out that way, but you can see why by the 1970s, feminism really latched on to this language as the one that would seem most mainstream and potentially run across the right-left spectrum. Yeah. I mean, it's funny.
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从另一个角度来看，把女性权利和选择自由捆绑在一起，在政治上都出人预料的不算成功。它在美国政治光谱的左翼和右翼，同时招致了严厉的批评，你能够承担思想的复杂性吗？我在播客的上半段解释了女权，或者说女性解放运动是如何在20世纪。也就是说在最近一步步的把自己和选择自由这个观念捆绑在了一起。但是我接下来要说的是，这种绑定受到了一些批评。这种批评不仅来自右翼，也来自左翼，思想是复杂的。
S2：2 个窗口回退
来源片段
People will certainly say these sorts of things who don't know very much. But equally, people will say these sorts of things who know a great deal. I don't think it's about intelligence. Some of the people I'm thinking of are smarter than me, right? And that's not false modesty, you know, like I have a healthy appreciation for my own capacities and also realistic about them. It's not even really about ideology. Like I say this, I've sort of given you a liberal version and a socialist version. Those are the counts I've sort of dealt with the most.
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我对于一个现代人的定义，就是他有自我观念，并且伴随着这个自我观念产生了一些对于选择自由的诉求，在我自己所处的这个知识精英学者、知识分子、语境内部太多太多人，几乎所有人都把我刚才说的这个观念当成了理所当然的前提，并且毫无反思地加以接受。他们无法想象，一个前现代人可能有着根深蒂固的不同的对于自由的理解，甚至可能完全没有自我观念，至少在我的生活环境内，我没有这样的特权。我的妈妈和我的妹妹一直在私下抱怨他们百思不得其解的是，我奶奶就不是一个现代人。
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up of the the gender gap okay you might say okay so let's just go with you here say there is a bit of a gender gap in people's alarm about trump and the far right and let's even say it sounds a bit wishy washy and liberal sociologist to me but you know let's even say there's a bit of a gendered aspect a codedly gendered aspect to how we discuss and describe anti-fascism and sure if that's all true i can totally see how that has something to do with the gender voting gap and the gender gap in terms of identification with liberalism or conservatism cute take so what i think it goes
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我的选择持续的在巴基斯坦引发争议，这个短语也不再具有特别鲜明的美国味道。尽管仍然是和全球北方和西方联系在一起的话，虽如此OK以下开始，我播客的后半部分，我们仍然必须得出结论的是，从另一个角度来看，把女性权利和选择自由捆绑在一起，在政治上都出人预料的不算成功。它在美国政治光谱的左翼和右翼，同时招致了严厉的批评，你能够承担思想的复杂性吗？我在播客的上半段解释了女权，或者说女性解放运动是如何在20世纪。