最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段大乱顿，重要的不是真相，而是你相信谁是那个遮盖真相的力量，这其实也是一切阴谋论的本质。我们去看今天那些真真有词，坚持阴谋论的人，他就是言之凿凿的。在表面上的逻辑论证是看起来很严谨，很有说服力的。但是阴谋论的内核通常是空的，阴谋论的内核不是真相。话说回来，这个事件发展到现在，它变得跟立场有关了，它跟真相无关，它跟立场你的立场什么你就应该相信什么。当时的左翼知识分子开始跟佐拉站在一起，他们变成了德雷福斯派。
来源片段but because actually he's right about that. That wasn't happening. So in this case, I agree with you, it didn't happen. The thing is, do you take all the revolutionary sources on trust and say the counter-revolutionary ones are propagandistic exaggerations? Or do you say that the truth probably lies in between the two and that both of them are party-pre? And actually the truth is that we'll never really know, and this is the frustrating thing about this story. It's a classic example of historians projecting onto it their own political preconception.
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S1：4 个窗口回退
来源片段
So yes, we're living troubled times but I would say that it is even more painful to read some American magazine about it because the coverage has been so, so unfair and more than unfair sometimes we had this feeling of victim blaming really, truly, like if Laïcité in France or Freedom of Speech at the end was the cause of terrorism that we are facing. It's an incredible reverse of responsibilities.
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以及并不会掩盖自己立场的独立媒体，被迫要转变他们的手段，他们也担心自己失去读者而惊慌失措，因为担心失去读者而改变自己的立场。这无疑对于媒体的公信力来说，也是一件雪上加霜的事情。我上面描绘的这个情况，在很多人心中，尤其是在美国人心中创建了一种现在较为普遍的绝望。但是阅读历史会告诉我们，没有必要绝望，因为现实永远都可能更差，尤其没有必要大惊小怪。因为日光底下无心事，你生活的时代一般来说不太可能是最糟的时代。历史上有极大的可能，已经出现过一模一样的事情了，而且程度很可能比现在要来的更加糟糕。
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I think it's fair to push on the disadvantages of a French system and I'm perhaps a little bit more critical of those than you are. And I think that's a helpful debate. I do want to make sure that we also talk about some of the advantages. One of the things that I'm struck by when I talk to young French people who have an immigrant background or, as we would call them in the United States, people of color for the French would walk at that formulation and perhaps for good reason. I'm struck that they seem to have actually a firmer belonging in French society than when I talk to young people with an immigrant background in the United States a lot of the time.
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历史上有极大的可能，已经出现过一模一样的事情了，而且程度很可能比现在要来的更加糟糕。今天我们要讨论的这个德雷福斯事件，在我看来，应该属于受过教育的人都知道的历史素养、历史常识的一部分。就像是我在播客里之前讨论美国近代总统的时候，我觉得他应该是任何一个接受过教育的美国高中生都应该了如指掌的事情。但事实就是，现在很多美国大学生甚至专门研究政治的美国研究生都不再了解了。
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What do you think the French model of laicité gives the society and gives young people in France when it's working well for those people who don't feel alienated but rather integrated, for those people who do have social mobility perhaps for not necessarily? What do you think the advantages of the French model are that the American media or Americans looking at France might miss? Again, I do understand that the French laicité is not working well for fundamentalists. That's for sure. It's a protection for the modernists against the fundamentalists.
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但是一个社会中总是有很多人，包括很多知识分子是没有接受现实能力的。第二个现象是现代公共知识分子的诞生。我们换一句话说，20世纪我们熟悉的这些刺头，法国公知的诞生。在某种程度上，德雷福斯案件能够帮助大家填一个坑？那就是我在第96期播客为何法国文化如此进步？法国政治却如此保守里留下的这个问题，为什么自戴高乐以来，所有的法国总统都是温和右翼。
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disinformation. It's part of those propaganda that are leading to poison cultural misunderstanding. At the end of the day, it's putting us at risk because right now, we are in the middle of a crisis when there are many, many people who are reading those news, believe them, and call for boycotts for France. Over the last few weeks, we've heard a lot of unsolicited advice from the United States for France, a lot of newspapers and so on telling the French what they're doing wrong and what they could do better. If you were going to assume the same
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不管你支持谁，不管你支持什么阴谋论，不管你认为什么是腐败的，这个时候你开始能够在法国报纸上找到一切支持你观点的社交媒体，所有的政治派别，所有的小报，所有的公知都在表态，都在呃这个站队，一整个法国充斥着各种各样的阴谋论，犹太人阴谋论、共济会阴谋论、共产党阴谋论、天主教阴谋论、耶稣会阴谋论，一整个法国就是一个阴谋论，大乱顿，重要的不是真相，而是你相信谁是那个遮盖真相的力量，这其实也是一切阴谋论的本质。
S2：3 个窗口回退
来源片段
And we'll be debating all that later, but Tom, perhaps first of all, we should remind people where we have got to now. Obviously, by reminding people, we don't need to do the whole previous two series. That would be too meta. But, yeah, it would. We'll never get out of it. OK, to give people a sense, we're in 1792. Tuileries has been stormed. France is at war, and it's been at war since April, and it's gone incredibly badly so far. So France has basically lost these little battles. So politics in Paris is defined by a feud between two rival groups of Jacobin.
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而且我觉得我在播客里，只要不是口吐白沫的带着疯子一样的道德，谴责，去讨论西安主义的历史，就很容易被人扣上政治不够正确的大帽子。所以我们还是把注意力集中到德雷福斯事件。首先我想要介绍的是，19世纪末德国和法国的紧张关系，我们就能够理解为什么一张发现在1894年的小纸条能够让法国陷入长达12年的疯狂19世纪末德国、法国这两个欧陆超级强国之间的关系，绝对要比今天的中美关系来得紧张，因为他们已经打过仗了，也就是1870年到1871年的普法战争。
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That it was the Swiss guard who had to blame for it, that the working people of Paris who were killed by the Swiss guards as they were defending themselves are martyrs to liberty and that this is expressive of a kind of pernicious royal attitude to the French masses. And therefore, there is a need for citizens to be on guard against something like this happening again. Exactly right. That's exactly right. So to give people a sense of the politics, with the stormy of the Tuileries, politics have been plunged into total chaos. The king and his family are in the temple. In their place, the Legislative Assembly has set up this executive, which is basically dominated by the Girondins and by Donton, Minister of Justice.
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这个深层政府极度腐败，必须要被彻底清除，才能够净化法兰西共和国，让他真正回到法国人的控制中，重回昔日的荣光，才能够让法兰西共和国再次伟大，才能够打败普鲁士帝国左派人士也拍手称快，为什么？首先是因为他们也即使犹太人，但是更重要的是，德雷福斯不仅是一个犹太人，他是一个有钱的犹太人。左派相信的是另外一个理论，法国社会的腐败在于有钱有势的上层人士会买通军方逃脱惩罚。
来源片段
thought what they were doing was right, and they're on the right side of history, and on the right side of kind of morality? Yes. And that's where the analogy, I suppose, Sharma's point about the sanitation kicks in. It's absolutely the right one. So there's another brilliant book on the French Revolution, the most recent English language survey. It's by a guy called Jeremy Popkey in American History at the Professor of the University of Kentucky. And he is much more positive about the revolution than Sharma is. And he says in his section on this, he says, listen, if you think the French Revolution is better than the experiments of the 20th century, for example, communism, or indeed, Nazism,
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军事讲究的是形式和程序，而小说家只会捏造情节。呃，在佐拉匪谤案中真正的焦点其实跟德雷福斯本人能否得到正义无关了。他在谈论的是另外一个在20世纪，法国会变得非常重要的事情，也是从法国蔓延到美国蔓延到中国的事情，那就是文学有没有权利干涉政治文学有没有权利挑战政治局面？我们可以说，这是法兰西第三共和国政治觉醒的开始。