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目标片段那么哈纳阿伦特就提出了一个我觉得很有意思，同时会让很多人感到冒犯的观点。他认为既然一个诗人应当被他的作品而定高下。那么对于一个诗人来说，对于一个艺术家来说，真正伟大的诗人最糟糕的命运并不是被社会道德审判，而是他不再是一个诗人，这是一个很微妙的观点。阿伦特想说的是诗人在道德上确实享有一些特权。但是那些歌颂暴行的人在诗人的评判层面不是世俗道德的评判层面，他将诗去发出悦耳动听的声音的能力。
来源片段And like most artists, he prefers solitary poetic meditation to the hustle and bustle of public life, but also like most artists, he always is drawn into the hustle and bustle of public life. And he regrets that his position forces him sometimes to withhold his opinion. And one of the other conversations he expresses that Schiller was always better than he was at speaking carefully or thinking before he made a public statement of opinion. It's for this reason that Gert says he was unfairly considered a friend of the powers that be, so-called, because he expressed outrage at the French Revolution.
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And so I highly recommend this book if you're anything like me and you like a peek, a look into an earlier time and place, this peek into the early 19th century Germany with this larger than life figure and all of those little details. That being said, there are some limitations in talking about this in the context of a philosophy podcast. Today, I do intend to focus more on the ideas and I'm going to be spending less time on those literary aspects or talking about those little character details about Goethe or the prose.
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我觉得我们去看待20世纪的诗人和艺术家如何面对他们在政治上做的一些有问题的决定的时候，我们可以更加深刻的去思考播客标题里的这个问题。而在这件事情上，给我们现代人提供了源源不断卓越案例的，无疑是那些生活在20世纪的德国知识分子。今天这期播客我想探索的是以诗人和艺术家为案例。当然我们也可以把同样的问题抛给哲学家和思想家20世纪的德国人两个最卓越的典型。我脑子里面想到的就是海德格尔和卡尔什米特。你可以说在哲学政治思想、法学层面，这两个人都是非常重要、非常具有原创性，非常具有说服力以及极具影响力的两个思想家。
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I wrote it at the time of the French Revolution, continued Goethe, and it may be regarded in some measure as my political confession of faith at that time. I have taken the Countess as a type of the nobility, and with the words which I put into her mouth, I have expressed how the nobility really ought to think. The Countess has just returned from Paris. She has there been an eyewitness of the revolutionary events and has drawn therefore for herself no bad doctrine. She has convinced herself that the people may be ruled but not oppressed, and that the revolutionary outbreaks of the lower classes are a consequence of the injustice of the higher classes.
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汉纳阿伦特写道，在法国大革命以来，底层的穷人像一股汹涌的洪流，第一次踏上了欧洲街头。从那个时候起，革命家中便不断有人像布莱西特这样出于怜悯而行动，却因为羞耻而隐藏起这份怜悯，借用科学理论和强硬的修辞，对此加以掩盖。然而像布莱西特这样，真正意识到我刚才的读的那个诗剧里面的这点的人少之又少，意识到什么？就是对于社会底层的人而言，除了命运对他们的伤害，他们还在遭受另外一层耻辱，那就是他们的苦难，
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And meditations like this one not only have that clear imprint on that early essay of Nietzsche's, but we can see how these same considerations would sort of continue throughout Nietzsche's entire work. Goethe's criticism, therefore, that most men care about the sciences only to the degree that it profits them, I think could be seen as applying to himself as well. I mean, it would have to, right? He's saying that an objective view of history does not advantage us. Then he's like every other man willing to part with the objective truth for the sake of that advantage.
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他也并不否认他的这个主张很可能会冒犯很多人对于正义的理解。所以在播客的最后，我想回到一开始我提出的这个矛盾，为什么？一方面我们觉得我们需要审判行为不端的诗人。另外一方面我们又想，因为他们作品的卓越，想要宽恕他的行为不端。我觉得最后的这个想法对我来说非常重要。因为我的个人经历对于我来说非常重要。这个矛盾的态度，它背后代表的其实是同一枚硬币的两面。前者所代表的道德标准。