最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段人会因为挣脱国家，换句话说，暴力阶级、暴力斗争走向自由，马克思主义者眼中真正的自由。比如说十月革命，巴黎公社工人自治都是群众对抗国家，而不是群众认同国家意志。你可以看得出来这套理论它的说服力大小，跟它能否反驳法？西斯主义哲学没有关系，这套理论的说服力大小，完全来自于你是否接受它的唯物世界观，对吧？这两套基同鸭讲世界观之间的比拼，这两者之间没有对话的能力。所以说我觉得我们如果想要裁判这两套哲学的唯一方式是跳出它们的框架，去追溯它们的根基和历史起源，
来源片段And I think I'm channeling here my liberation theology. But I think it's really important. And I just disagree with actually the Nietzschean assessment of Christianity that it's just the morality of the slaves. It's the opposite. This is actually a morality that tells the common person in a world that is a world of slavery, that is a world of hierarchy, that is the world of the Roman Empire, and so on. Actually, these hierarchies are not important because there is something to the human predicament that is very, very different from this. And then, you know, we can interpret what Jesus means and the revolutionary hero and all of that. But just at this level, I think, well, I just don't agree. When I hear you talking about freedom, so I sometimes feel that the thing that I lack that you have, and I think you've just articulated it, is faith.
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So that's scientific knowledge. So most people, again, in the modern world would think that's not philosophical knowledge. That's scientific knowledge. In pre-modern and even early modern settings, that distinction didn't hold. Scientific knowledge and philosophical knowledge were similar. Is it that this quest after a never fully known but potentially knowable truth has moved from philosophy to science? I don't know in what position I am here, whether I'm in a minority or in a majority. I think there is a lot of philosophy to contemporary science as well. So I think, in general, this distinction between philosophy and science is just as such is a little bit crude. And I think our scientific paradigms are grounded on certain philosophical assumptions, and our, in turn, philosophical theories are developed on the basis of what we know from science.
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这是一种更高的不负责任，这是一种知识上的不负责任，这是更高层面的道知识上的不道德。基于知识道德，我对我自己提出的要求是，我在做任何一个实际层面的道德判断之前，我必须要最大程度的去探究所有立场的全貌。这意味着我我要尽可能的预设它有可能是正确的，有可能是合理的。我知道绝大多数人不仅仅没有能力，也没有时间和精力去做这个事情。所以我们不能拿这种知识层面的道德，要求去要求所有人，我只要求我自己。
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And good arguments aren't just the arguments that are rhetorically persuasive and powerful, which is often the case now. We're driven by rhetoric, our politics is driven by rhetoric, it's not really driven by the pursuit of truth, of real values, in a way, there's a lot of talk about values. But I don't think it's taken seriously. And I think he was saying, look, fellow Athenians, it's all good to have democracy, but our opinions need to be scrutinized further and needs to be critically examined. And at some point, he has this sentence where he says the unexamined life is not worth living. So it's telling both in the way in which democracy generates a Socrates-like figure, a dissident, but also in a way in which that dissident features and the fortune of the dissident is unmade by democracy in a way.
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历史时刻，对于真谛来而言，这也是法西斯主义的精神起点，一个建立于牺牲信仰与民族统一的新国家理念。这是一种怎样的理念。接下来我们来读他写的这篇小文章，法西斯主义哲学。他这样写道，我们常说政治是一种理念，但其实凡是真正有力量的政治观念，归根结底都是一种哲学观，因为政治从来不是孤立存在的，它跟我们理解的历史自然甚至是人生的意义。紧密交织一个只讲制度设计，不讨论人是什么的，政治是站不住脚的政治，像伦理一样观设整个人的生活法。
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A more cynical view is behind the opinion is a knowledge that it's not the truth, but you know it's much easier to sell if you come across as believing it. If you can fake sincerity in democracy, you've got it made. That's the democratic method. It's a really radical critique. And it suggests to me that actually what you need in democracy, and this is the opposite of what you said earlier, is a bit more relativism. That is a bit more awareness that these are, on the whole, inflated claims. That what democracy really is, is an understanding that different people's point of view, however passionately held, is profoundly contingent. And that's the thing that in democracies, we tend to lose sight of, because we get so carried away, and also because the route to power is to come across as someone with certainty.
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我在这里再次强调，本人小木敦插嘴，你看到了吗？法西斯主义的出发点不是现实，而是凌驾在现实之上的抽象。国家伦理理念就像是马克思主义的出发点，不是现实社会，而是凌驾在现实之上的。他们宣称能够更加准确的概括现实的阶级斗争、自由主义的出发点也不是现实社会，而是凌驾在现实之上的自然状态中的人人平等。话说回这个真谈来啊，这一国家观，他说是反个人主义的，因为他肯定的是一种精神现实，一种普遍现实。
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And then you can generalize that to say, this is available to everybody. This is available to slaves. Actually, maybe this, if I was a slave, maybe that would be a great philosophy to have because that's a really shitty circumstance. So it'd be great to think that that doesn't matter. But actually, to be indifferent to pleasure and pain is something that is only possible, for instance, if you're not poor, or if you're not enslaved, or if you're not oppressed. And therefore, this thing doesn't make sense as a political philosophy. It's completely self-defeating. I guess you can see it both ways. So there's a part of it that is resignation. And so it's teaching you to just cope with the circumstances.
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你只能够在国家中自我成熟、自我实现，寻找自我自由。在真谛来的理论中，理想的老师不是压迫学生的暴君，而是激发学生内在灵魂的引导者，乍听，这不是人文主义的高贵理想吗？但是但是危险在于，一旦教师被视为灵魂唤醒者，他的话语就很有可能不容置疑。学生的怀疑批判可能会被视为尚未领悟。你可以说这套哲学观跟马克思说的一样，这也是一套以改变世界，至少是改变世界中的每一个个体为目的的哲学。