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目标片段1848年革命以及之后较长的一个阶段，持续贯穿了一整个19世纪中后期这个时期的欧洲各国共产主义和社会主义运动此起彼伏。其中一个典型的例子就是187年的巴黎公社。当然巴黎公社究竟算不算是社会主义，它的性质存在着很大的争议。这个时候可能会有人跟我抗议说，巴黎公社它是无政府主义运动，不是社会主义运动。不管怎么样，这都是当时一整个19世纪欧洲革命浪潮的一部分。在意大利这一个时期也成为社会主义思潮，首次有可能取得突破的阶段。OK在这第一波的浪潮中，意大利社会主义运动在19世纪最终未能成功的重要主力，主要来自于天主教势力，
来源片段You've got the Diggers in the English Revolution. And all these figures are influential on Marx. So the Diggers are now in what's now a gated community, ironically, isn't it? Yes, that's right. Stockbroker belt. Yes. So let's fast forward a bit to the 19th century and the emergence of what people now think of as communism. And now I would argue that that's, and a lot of sort of Karko and communists get very offended if you, and very cross if you say this, but I would say it's so obviously a kind of political religion that it's barely worth arguing about. I mean, it even later on has icons and banners and sacred texts and prophets and all the rest of it.
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So these revolutions in Germany, I mean, Germany tends to end up, I mean, the German speakers often tend to dominate the accounts of 1848, because you've got what's going on in Germany, and then you've got what's going with Austria and the revolt in Hungary against Austria and so on. But in Germany specifically, are we able to say what they want?
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因此，这个阶段我们可以搁置不谈，仅作为背景参考第一波马克思主义的新起可以追溯到我们刚才说的第一个时间节点、1848年革命以及之后较长的一个阶段，持续贯穿了一整个19世纪中后期这个时期的欧洲各国共产主义和社会主义运动此起彼伏。
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And that again is a factor in the revolution, because these unhappy Poles are going to play a very important role in carrying the agenda of revolution from one place to another. And so, Chris, that is one further element. So you've talked about the legacy of the French Revolution and the social pressures, but this is also an age of nationalism. And you have a brilliant description that its effect on the revolutions of 1880 as a whole was like that of heroin on the body and mind of an addict. So that is something that is enhancing the revolutionary spirit, but also turning it into courses that the powers that be don't recognise. Absolutely. Nationalism is the most difficult theme for 1848, because after 1848 happened, the memory of 1848 was processed by the national movements of Italy, Germany, France, and later of Hungary and so on.
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苏俄的十月革命成功，在全欧洲，全西方不对全世界掀起了一轮共产主义浪潮，意大利也深受影响。这个苏联的十月革命让所有国家的共产主义势力迅速壮大，在政治舞台上占据了重要位置。我们可以说列宁领导的这个十月革命苏维埃革命给意大利的马克思主义者提供了一种示范效应，这是一种外部影响。在1917年十月革命之后，意大利的马克思主义势力迅速壮大，当然也有它的内部影响。那就是当时意大利社会严重不平等一战之后，意大利面临着巨大的贫富差距，意大利南部极其贫困，
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And in fact, there's a, you know, there's a kind of Europe wide scandal over how the British handle this uprising in Kefalonia. And so that's an interesting example of, you know, when you actually do see British authorities facing a local tumult of the kind that broke out across the continent, we don't see that they behave more or less as the Austrians and the Germans at the Prussians and other European states do. But is there no element of truth to the traditional story that you were taught? I think there is an element of truth and the element of truth, and it connects that argument about liberality with the argument about policing. And that is that, you know, when the mass meeting on Kennington Common took place that Dominique referred to, there's, you know, the mass meeting of Chartists, I mean, it was very alarming at the time, people worried about what would happen.
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意大利首相Vittorio Orlando奥兰多在巴黎和会上的诉求屡遭拒绝，甚至在一次会议中愤怒的哭着离场。这一幕戏剧的有点搞笑，但是平心而论，如果在所有欧洲国家中，我要想象一个国家在外交场合放声大哭，然后愤懵而去的话，我会觉得是意大利人。你可以说这戏剧性的一幕反映的也是当时意大利人的普遍心态，就是意大利的民族利益。国家利益在凡尔赛条约中没有得到满足，而且他们在一战中的巨大伤亡，也削弱了传统王权派的力量。
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When you put it like that, was it always going to happen that way? I mean, some of these outcomes are profoundly surprising. I mean, the fact that someone like Napoleon III, he's not Napoleon III yet, but the fact that the man who will become Emperor Napoleon III is voted president of the Republic in December 1848, which is one of the deathblows to the Revolutionary movement in Paris and in France as a whole. That's actually a very unexpected and rather odd outcome because, you know, in the 1830s and 40s, he'd been a figure of ridicule. So he kind of comes from nowhere, from left fields, a bit like Trump. In fact, in many ways, he is a Trumpian kind of character. So that was, there's nothing inevitable about that. What seemed at the time to be unlikely was the rapid success of the revolutions.
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第二个关键时期没有什么势力，这个Emmanuel IIIEmmanuel III已经不再是最重要的政治力量。所以我们接下来要问的问题就是OK一战之后的意大利有三股重大政治势力，分别是马克思主义、自由主义、建制派和法西斯主义国王没有什么权利。那么最终我们都知道获胜的是法西斯主义。为什么法西斯主义在这三股势力中获胜了呢？就是换句话说，用波克这个标题的问题就是说怎么那个马克思主义在第二次浪潮中又失败了呢？绑眼哥认为有一下三个原因，他认为时任首相的这个Gioliti乔利蒂作为自由主义者，他更害怕的是共产主义的威胁，
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And I think, Tom, going back to what you're saying, Stalin thought that Russia needed rapidly to industrialize because he completely imbibed the kind of Marxist idea about the course of history, that you'd become an industrial country and then you'd become, you know, a communist one. So he pushes that through, you know, and he demands total control. And it's mainly the collectivization of agriculture. I mean, that's what kills a lot of people at the turn of the 1930s. Because there's no other source of revenue. Yeah, because he needs to, he needs to, yeah, exactly. He wants to rapidly, rapidly industrialize.
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那就是当时意大利社会严重不平等一战之后，意大利面临着巨大的贫富差距，意大利南部极其贫困，而北部的工人阶级也受到了经济困难的影响。由于早期共产党主要是依靠工人运动，所以说意大利它有这个工人基础。这个时候，意大利爆发了大量的工人抗议和罢工潮，这都是社会主义思潮的肥沃土壤。与此同时，在1917年左右，意大利国内的政治势力发生重足，这个时候形成了三大主要政治力量。第一股就是我们说的这个马克思共产主义运动受到苏联十月革命的鼓舞，工人运动高涨，社会主义和共产主义力量迅速壮大。