最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段美国革命不但成功了，而且它创造了一个资本主义自由政权，现在是全国最强大的帝国主义政权，而法国大革命最终以拿破仑在巴黎圣母院被加冕为皇帝而告终。德国革命则最终在1933年希特勒建立了这个第三帝国为结局。我觉得德国革命相比于美国和法国革命来说，包括俄罗斯的十月革命。德国革命在历史上都没有受到广泛讨论，甚至跟中国和古巴的革命相比，都没有受到相应的关注。可能是因为德国革命，我们今天要讨论的这场革命，在历史上好像是第二帝国的这个德国君主制和纳粹的第三帝国之间的一种过渡。
来源片段And quite wisely, Louis Philippe decided, well, really, my time's up and skedaddle. So France is obviously the, as Dominic said, the big one. It's the Great Monarchy. It's got the history of the French Revolution. Narratives of revolution in France are something that people can comprehend and understand. But what then happens is that revolution starts to spread in a cascade effect across Europe. And I don't want to frighten people because we're going to have a break in a minute. But this is what you say about this process. From the beginning of March 1848, it becomes impossible to trace the revolutions as a linear sequence from one theater of turbulence to the next.
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S1：6 个窗口回退
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It is, it is a constitutional monarchy, and that's one of the weird things, you know, they've had a revolution in 1830, they've revised the, the constitution that they got in 1814. So it is a constitutional, in that sense, a liberal order, but the constitution enfranchises fewer than 2% of the population. This is a male franchise only, but it's a tiny, tiny fragment of the wealthiest. And obviously, in France, there is the memory of the Primal Revolution. There is the 1789 Revolution, the memory of the terror, the memory of the Napoleonic regime. So France is, is peculiarly associated with revolution. But the thing about 1848 is that it's not confined to France, and that it spreads across, in fact, I mean, in 1848, it's not initially France, where a revolution breaks out, is it?
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与此同时，它是一场比法国大革命更加右倾的革命。从一个马克思主义者的视角来说，这三场革命的结局是什么？你无疑会认为美国革命是一个在经济政策上最保守的现代革命。美国革命不但成功了，而且它创造了一个资本主义自由政权，现在是全国最强大的帝国主义政权，而法国大革命最终以拿破仑在巴黎圣母院被加冕为皇帝而告终。德国革命则最终在1933年希特勒建立了这个第三帝国为结局。我觉得德国革命相比于美国和法国革命来说，包括俄罗斯的十月革命。
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But he had become an apprentice bronze worker, and then was a great auto didact and had become a pamphletheer and a poet and a radical, a German radical who believed in a united liberal democratic German in his trajectory is he becomes one of the faces of the German Revolution of the Frankfurt Parliament. And it all ends in tears for him because he's shot in Vienna, having written this beautiful letter so beautifully read. So his story, Christopher, is the kind of story of what happens to the revolution in microcosm, isn't it? High hopes, heady excitement, liberalism, and then bang, end of story, he's dead. Yes, yes, it is. And for me, Robert Bloom is the kind of human face of the revolution, because his story captures so much of that move from the extreme euphoria of the spring days.
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他们很多人至今认为，德国革命中的这群人是最值得自豪、最值得使人感到惋惜，最具有悲剧性的马克思主义运动的消亡。德国的马克思主义运动要是成功了。在他们的心中，希特勒就不会崛起，一切都怪社会民主党Rosa Luxemburg的悲剧性死亡已经成为了美国极左翼中的一个梗。我在这里说的是，那些激进革命，左翼不是那种改革左翼，你要是一个激进左翼，你会反复提到Rosa Luxemburg和Karl Liebknecht的死，
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And in the summer, he watches the project of the revolution start to fray to come apart. And by the autumn, he's exhausted by it and decides to go to Vienna to bring sort of fraternal greetings to the Viennese parliament. But unfortunately, just as he arrives, the city is surrounded by the Austrian armies, and the revolution is crushed in Austria, very violent process, which results in hundreds of dead. And Bloom is, is arrested. And although he pleads parliamentary immunity, he says, I'm a member of the Frankfurt Parliament, I have immunity, they say, yeah, whatever. And execute him on the, as you say, on the 9th of November. And there's a, there's a song about this, which tells the story of his, of his walk to the place where he was executed.
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我们在希特勒名著Minecraft我的奋斗中可以看到，他多次提到11月9号的德国革命，并且对此满怀怨恨。他说，我自从站在我妈妈的坟前那天开始就发誓，再也没有掉过眼泪。但是这场德国革命发生之后，我扑倒在床上，把我发烫的头深深的埋进枕头里。我觉得我做不了其他任何事情，他自己也选择在五年后的这一天发动他失败的啤酒馆暴动。德国革命结束后的一整个20年代，当时的右翼都会选择在这个德国革命周年之际，组织各种动员和机会。
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We can't just make it up as we go along. On the other hand, they also wanted a social transformation. They wanted the imbalance between labor and capital to be re rebalanced so that people, the poorest strata of society would be better seen to them being a stronger position to bargain, for example, for improvement in their conditions. And so they they were in favor of various forms of trades, unions, or even of state intervention, the economy to support the working classes, this kind of thing. But of course, the liberals were what we would today call thatcherites, they wanted deregulation, they wanted the state to pull back out of the economy. As far as they were concerned, the private character of the economic relationships between people was an almost sacred conviction.
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虽然说在这个社会民主党政权执政，在他的爱伯特的领导下，推出了一系列就是左倾的社会主义改革。比如说他们增加了失业救济金，增加了八小时工作制，增加了二十岁以上所有人的普选权，增加了农场，工人组织权，增加了工人的养老、病假和失业福利等等等等。但是，这个爱伯特领导的德国社会民族主义政府，他的目的不是为了推翻政府，不是为了颠覆政府创造无产阶级专制，一个全新的政权。他们支持的是保留既有的公务员体制、警察体制、司法体制，保持现有的武装部队，他们反对颠覆德国政府进行更加激烈的革命带来工人独裁。
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They wanted the imbalance between labor and capital to be re rebalanced so that people, the poorest strata of society would be better seen to them being a stronger position to bargain, for example, for improvement in their conditions. And so they they were in favor of various forms of trades, unions, or even of state intervention, the economy to support the working classes, this kind of thing. But of course, the liberals were what we would today call thatcherites, they wanted deregulation, they wanted the state to pull back out of the economy. As far as they were concerned, the private character of the economic relationships between people was an almost sacred conviction. And they said the state has no business interfering in the relationship between an employer and an employee. This is a form of tyranny. And these are arguments which have not gone away, incidentally.
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工人组织权，增加了工人的养老、病假和失业福利等等等等。但是，这个爱伯特领导的德国社会民族主义政府，他的目的不是为了推翻政府，不是为了颠覆政府创造无产阶级专制，一个全新的政权。他们支持的是保留既有的公务员体制、警察体制、司法体制，保持现有的武装部队，他们反对颠覆德国政府进行更加激烈的革命带来工人独裁。所以说你可以理解这个就是这两股左翼势力之间的矛盾。
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And another sort of a thing that I think they didn't know themselves was they had the support of a surprisingly large part of the population. It seemed during the Revolution that the Liberals and the Radicals are absolutely making the running. All the newspapers, all the pamphlets, all the posters, all the public manifestations were for revolution with one form or another. But what emerged as the Revolution began to wane was a sort of backlash of popular conservatism that no one had really known was there. And this is one of the great sort of discoveries for the Conservatives that, you know, perhaps it's us, this is what they're saying, you know, perhaps we're the ones who really know the little people.
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所以说你可以理解为什么托马斯曼托马斯曼这个作家会说这是一场很德国的革命，因为他中间乱七八糟的势力太多了，一个非常分裂的革命。你拿着放大镜去看这个革命里面的每一股势力都会发现每一个势力都有问题，每一个势力都想太多了，没有什么清白的光明力量。当然，这个自由兵团在马克思主义者的眼中是绝对的邪恶势力。在他们眼中，政府会去动用自由兵团的力量，就直接证明了德国社民党在和反动势力合作，并且为后来的纳粹崛起埋下了伏笔。
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It's known now, it was known then, as the liberal revolution. So this isn't a socialist revolution, this is the collapse of the czarist regime and its replacement with something that professed to stand for constitutional order, the rule of law, democracy, and so on.
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你无疑会认为美国革命是一个在经济政策上最保守的现代革命。美国革命不但成功了，而且它创造了一个资本主义自由政权，现在是全国最强大的帝国主义政权，
S2：4 个窗口回退
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So that was the cardinal difference. Like the Bolsheviks, they wanted immediate peace. Like the Bolsheviks, they wanted a great deal more respect for workers and a whole raft of worker rights and state intervention where necessary to uphold industry. So you could say the difference really turns on that question of whether Russia was or wasn't a promising place for a revolution, a socialist revolution, a communist revolution. In the Marxist account, the great puzzle for Marxists when the Russian revolution finally happened was always, it wasn't meant to happen in Russia.
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他们管自己叫做斯巴达克斯派斯巴达克斯同盟，希望把这个罢工推向更具革命性的颠覆性罢工。他们希望这个罢工可以超越罢工走向革命，这里又出现了一些马克思主义者内部的矛盾。因为此时此刻的罢工工会代表他们反而不希望革命，希望把这些问题视为单纯的经济问题，而不是颠覆性的政治革命。所以说工会代表相对更加保守。这个时候，Rosa Luxemburg和Karl Liebknecht这两个人在他们领导的这群更加左翼的马克思主义者心中。
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As soon as the Bolshevik initiative in seizing power and proclaiming the formation of a new government with them essentially at the head of it. Actually, they named a thing called the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Soviet as the body that was taking control. And a left SR had chaired it. Nevertheless, in truth, they were proclaiming a Bolshevik government. The immediate reaction of the right wing socialist was horror and stamping out of the Congress of Soviets.
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在他们心中，这是一个辱国条约。总之，我们可以说，一场海军起义是德国革命的起源，这是一场出乎当时所有政治力量意料的自发起义。在极短的时间内，德国皇帝宣布退位，德国政府迅速瓦解。那个时候的马克思主义工人委员会以及执行委员会在德国各地接管了权力，形成了一个全新的权力机构。在当时第二帝国的皇位继承者签署了正式的退位。声明之后不久，德国社会民主党领导层就抵达总统府，并且要求接管政府。
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And of course, if one made the case too strong for the counterfactual, the question would be, well, how come it didn't happen? So we've got to make it pretty strong, but not too strong. But it could have happened. What you've described there is something that goes against my view, my ignorant view of the Russian Revolution, which was there came a point in which everything had collapsed to the extent that only someone with Lenin's ruthlessness was able, sort of tiptoe through the wreckage, and over the course of months and then years, and fighting the Civil War, was able to recreate something which became a powerful centralized state. But as he tiptoed through the wreckage, he was reliant, the Bolsheviks were reliant on these other parties, these other socialists.
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这样的话，我也可以从你身上学到一些东西，而不仅仅是受到侮辱，对吧？我可以掂量掂量，你是几斤几两OK下面也是我自己的看法。你可以问为什么德国的革命和俄罗斯革命就间隔了这么一两年，结果一个这么成功，一个这么失败，这两个革命之间有什么区别？我想说的第三个原因就是德国为什么没有成为一个马克思主义国家？我觉得是一个时机的原因。因为在俄国革命十月革命发生的时候，对于俄罗斯来说，他们还在经历第一次世界大战，他还在打仗中。
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You mean, you are against our common enemy, the Germans, but you're not quite forming a regular army, and you want a general peace. Western intervention on the side of the whites is likely to have been much less. And anyway, the whites probably wouldn't have gained a foothold long enough for it to matter. So I think first big change is a much shorter civil war with literally millions of deaths, largely through illness, but also through fighting, saved. And therefore, if the left SRs had won the civil war, they would presumably also, therefore, had been pretty secure in power.
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所以说这个实际问题就是我觉得在你已经打败的情况下，老百姓的心态和你正在打仗的老百姓的心态是不同的。因为你战败的时候打不了鸡血了，你承着你失败了，你在德国在一战中失去超过200万，士兵伤亡人数达到1900万到2000万，你可以理解，这是一个士气低落的社会与德国对比。当时俄罗斯是一个怎样的背景？对于当时的俄罗斯来说，他们闹革命的时候正在打一战，对吧？