最高相似度示例 · 非人工确认结果
目标片段他完全失去了对这一整个事件的控制。
来源片段He has completely lost control of events.
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来源片段
But at the time, actually, France didn't really have a reputation for youthful protests. So the revolutions of the 19th century were in the past.
目标片段
这个近现代人类现代政治史上的这些最大的革命都是法国人先搞起来的。那么20世纪60年代的法国是不是也应该跟美国年轻人一样到处上街游行？
来源片段
Since the Second World War, France had actually, or French youngsters, had actually been reasonably quiescent.
目标片段
在二战之后，法国年轻人相对平静，法国大学生基本上不搞事。
来源片段
Because there's this famous headline, isn't there, in Le Monde in March 1968, saying that what defines our public life today is boredom.
目标片段
在68年3月的时候，法国最受欢迎的报纸Le Monde世界报上有一个著名的对于当时法国公共生活的评论，
来源片段
But all the coverage in France often says, well, French kids would never do this because they are actually much too busy getting degrees and going into the workforce. And we're not like that.
目标片段
那就是咱们法国的公共生活很无聊。当时的世界报认为，法国小孩过于忙着获得学位，进入劳动市场找工作。
来源片段
But France has done well economically, socially, since the end of the Second World War.
目标片段
自二战以来，法国的经济恢复和社会恢复方面的表现都非常良好。
来源片段
So every year the economy grew by about 5%. There's full employment. There's a real sense that, you know, today's young generation will be far better off than their parents. We'll come on to this later, particularly when we get on to the strikes of 1968. Lots of people from rural France, which had long been far more agricultural than Britain, lots of people had moved to the cities. And we're in these suburbs that we're all very familiar with, on the Bourn-Lieu. . . The Peripherique. Yeah, exactly.
目标片段
二战结束之后，一直到1968年，这30年也被法国人称为30年的光辉岁月，每年经济增长率差不多，在5%实现了充分就业。当时年轻一代的法国人过得确实比他们的父母要好的，所以世界报就得出了这么一个结论。在三月份的时候说，咱们法国的公共生活太无聊了，没想到两个月之后就被啪啪打脸。1968年的5月，法国马上就要爆发一场声势浩大的工人运动和学生运动。法国经济将要在朝警察挥舞着鹅卵石的学生手中结束，他长达30年的增长，进入短期的停滞不前。
来源片段
I'd say therefore, presumably, rebelling against it becomes more fun. Exactly. So, actually, even though, at the beginning of 1968, all the sort of talk is, well, there's stuff going on in America and so on, but it will never spread to France, because, you know, we're not like that, and our kids aren't like that.
目标片段
这期播客我给大家讲清楚，咱们隔岸观火站着，说话不腰疼，看看对面。法国在68年出现了怎么样一个烂摊子OK 我们一开始先说这个68年的法国暴乱，它的起因是一个学生运动，
来源片段
The trigger is in many ways very, very mundane. So the place, it's seven miles northwest of Paris, and it's a suburb called Nantes.
目标片段
这个学生暴乱的起因也因此而来，看似非常微不足道，那就是在巴黎西北差不多10公里的地方，有一个郊区叫做Nanter.
来源片段
And in Nantes, they have started to build in 1962. Basically, one of these annexes, one of these overspilled buildings, overspilled campuses for the Sorbonne where we were earlier.
目标片段
这个索邦大学，就是在巴黎的市中心。因为扩张学生过多，他在1962年就开始在这个郊区建立一个全新的校园，这个校园地处偏僻，
来源片段
So, you get this building momentum throughout April 1968, with students at Nantes protesting, bigger and bigger protests.
目标片段
在一整个68年的4月，这个索邦大学的郊区校园的学生抗议规模变得越来越大，势头变得越来越强。
来源片段
Because the students at the Sorbonne itself starts to protest. They occupy a lecture theatre, the police are called in, hundreds of people are arrested.
目标片段
索邦大学主校区的学生开始在巴黎市中心抗议，他们占据了一整个演讲厅，然后呢就是数百人被捕啊，巴黎警察开始镇压，他们完全的高压手段。
来源片段
And hundreds of students are beaten by the riot police.
目标片段
警察被叫来了数百名学生在那里遭到了防暴警察的殴打。
来源片段
And then the Sorbonne is shut down.
目标片段
然后索邦大学就被紧急关闭了。
来源片段
So a lot of historians say the big driver of May 1968 is really, it's not even the stuff on the entail.
目标片段
很多历史学家会说，这个68年5月抗议的主要驱动力不是学生一开始的诉求就是说什么？
S1：2 个窗口回退
来源片段
That basically the authorities see what's actually pretty, you know, classic student protest behaviour, standard stuff. And they completely overreact to it, as though this is the beginning of the French Revolution. So a lot of historians say the big driver of May 1968 is really, it's not even the stuff on the entail. It's actually police overreaction and police violence. So we talked before about the killing of the Algerian protesters. They'd killed trade unionists at Charon Metro Station in 1962. There is an awful lot of resentment of the heavy handedness of the police.
目标片段
很多历史学家会说，这个68年5月抗议的主要驱动力不是学生一开始的诉求就是说什么？管理层过于专制大学的官僚主义学校的阶级歧视等等。他们会说后面发生的暴动的驱动力，是因为警察的过度反应以及警察暴力。但是在这个观察上，我还要加一个括号，那就是即便这个观察是真的，那也是警察对于中产阶级大学生的暴力。因为在一整个五六十年代，法国警察都是非常暴力的。法国警察在五六十年代暴力血腥镇压了不知道多少的阿尔及利亚抗议者。这些抗议者通常都是底层人民镇压了这么多人都没有发生这么大的暴动，一直到他们殴打了来自中产阶级富裕的拥有理论知识和权利意识的索邦大学大学生才开始呼吁大规模的一整个社会上的暴动和游行。
来源片段
So a lot of historians say the big driver of May 1968 is really, it's not even the stuff on the entail. It's actually police overreaction and police violence. So we talked before about the killing of the Algerian protesters. They'd killed trade unionists at Charon Metro Station in 1962. There is an awful lot of resentment of the heavy handedness of the police. And when they start to do this to middle class students, and that's the key, to students who have a bit of a sense of entitlement. Quite rightly, they think they're entitled not to be beaten up by the police. They react. So by about the 6th of May, it's quite interesting to go through the chronology, because often people assume this is all one great blur.
目标片段
但是在这个观察上，我还要加一个括号，那就是即便这个观察是真的，那也是警察对于中产阶级大学生的暴力。因为在一整个五六十年代，法国警察都是非常暴力的。法国警察在五六十年代暴力血腥镇压了不知道多少的阿尔及利亚抗议者。这些抗议者通常都是底层人民镇压了这么多人都没有发生这么大的暴动，一直到他们殴打了来自中产阶级富裕的拥有理论知识和权利意识的索邦大学大学生才开始呼吁大规模的一整个社会上的暴动和游行。
来源片段
On the 6th of May, the student union plus the lecturers union call Big Marches.
目标片段
5月6号，索邦大学的学生会和讲师工会，呼吁一整个巴黎举行全程的抗议游行。
来源片段
So De Gaulle is very worried about this.
目标片段
代高乐因此非常担忧。
S1：3 个窗口回退
来源片段
There's a lovely report, actually, by the aptly named Peter Lennon in the Guardian the next day. And the scene in the Latin Quarter. And he says, Buses with their tyres slashed and windows broken were strewn across the street. Cars upended with windows smashed marked the spots where the hardcore of the students put up fierce resistance to the police. Who with nerves shattered after a full day of rioting, clubbed the demonstrators when they caught them, and sometimes bystanders with a sickening ferocity. Police men and journalists with long years of experience of Paris riots almost disbelieved the evidence of their eyes as they viewed the scene of destruction.
目标片段
5月7号晚上，索邦大学的大学生开始在巴黎拉丁区制造路障，他们把汽车推翻汽车窗户砸碎打碎商户的那个店铺的玻璃，把这些砸碎的玻璃碎片扔向警察，用石头和鹅卵石武装自己警察。面对这种骚乱也神经崩溃了，抓到示威者就用棍棒暴力殴打他们这个混乱场景的描述，大家可以搜一下任何1968年5月7号微报上，到处都是这种混乱暴动的详细描绘。
来源片段
That means they are listening to the news as it is happening. And that is further radicalizing them. And what also happens is because of TV, the rest of France is watching it on the next day's news. So they are watching the pictures and they are seeing the violence. And a lot of people are that some people are shocked by the students. Some people are shocked by the police and other people are enthused and excited and they want to join in. And so you get this sort of wave of occupations elsewhere in the country. It's now gone beyond Paris. De Gaulle at this point does start to think, OK, this is getting out of control.
目标片段
戴高乐68年的法国，还有两个技术上的新产品，导致在巴黎市内有一群激进学生主导的所帮大学生主导的抗议可以迅速的蔓延到法国其他地区，那就是收音机和电视法国其他地区就巴黎之外的老百姓。在第二天的新闻中看到了学生在巴黎的大规模抗议。他们看到了学生对警察扔鹅卵石，他们也看到了警察向学生扔催泪瓦斯。他们还看到了警察在电视中，警察对学生的暴力镇压和殴打。于是慢慢的这种占领大学的浪潮，席卷了法国的其他地区的其他大学。
来源片段
I mean, also, I think Julian Jackson, who I think is probably the best English language historian of modern France, author of the brilliant book on Tagore, he points out that one of the things that really happened in France, away from the universities, away from the eyes of the newspapers, is that that economic miracle had been, as in Italy and other places, had been fuelled by the movement of vast numbers of people who had previously been peasants into the cities. And so this is why Britain has less of an economic recovery, because that process had already happened in the 19th century. Exactly. So that's why when you look at any chart of economic growth in the 50s and 60s, Britain looks so much worse than Italy than France, because this has happened in Britain generations earlier. But in France, the people who are moving in, who are fuelling the economic boom, whose hard work is basically paying for it, are their immigrants or their peasants, former peasants.
目标片段
因为法国意大利，他们有那么多的农民人口，能够成为他们的廉价劳动力来促长他们的经济。那为什么英国的经济恢复就比较慢呢？英国不能够用这种方式来恢复经济的繁荣。因为英国经济发达，他在19世纪已经干过这种事了，这就导致了英国没有那么多农民可以搬到城城里的郊区了。英国经济在五六十年代的恢复也因此要慢于法国和意大利。这是题外话，咱们说回法国工人，结果这个正在巴黎如火如荼的学生运动导致了什么呢？
来源片段
And there, the workers go on strike, they want better working conditions.
目标片段
于是，法国工人的工厂开始罢工，他们想要更高的工作条件，更高的工资。
来源片段
They end up locking the management in their offices. And then partly because the news is traveling so fast because of TV and radio, other workers nearby start occupying their factories.
目标片段
电视和广播让这些工人罢工的新闻传播的非常快。那其他附近工厂的工人也开始罢工，也开始占领工厂。
来源片段
Students wanted a radical change in life.
目标片段
工人想要对工资、工厂生活进行彻底的改革。
来源片段
By the 18th of May, 2 million workers on strike, with a 23rd, 10 million workers on strike. That's two thirds of the French workforce.
目标片段
在68年5月14号到5月18号200万法国工人开始罢工。到了23号1000万法国工人开始罢工，这是法国劳动力的三分之二。
S1：2 个窗口回退
来源片段
They think this is bourgeois nonsense. They think it's not in keeping with their plan. It's not in keeping with the course of history. No, but in the long run they want a revolution. Oh, OK, fine. In the long run. But they want a revolution that they have planned and led and the conditions are right. They think their reaction to this at first is they tell their people don't have anything to do with this. This is just not bourgeois nonsense. This is my artists. We are, you know, a true communist never interferes with a my artist. I think there is a sort of sense among ordinary French workers. It's not so much they want to overthrow De Gaulle.
目标片段
很多情况下，就是在这里德勒兹拉康德里达，甚至可以包括当代的这些齐泽克贝耶夫这种人，他们这种新左翼对于叛乱起义对抗有一种抽象的迷恋。但是真的到这个老左派想要搞的这些革命发生的时候，想要搞点事的时候，这群人又无动于衷，他们的这种抽象的迷恋停留在迷恋之上，没有一些真正的实际上的把策略和战略结合起来，推进斗争的觉悟。比如说废除资本主义。那么从这些新左翼的角度来说，他们会怎么批评这种马克思主义的旧左翼呢？他们会说，哎呀，我们继承了旧左翼中最主要的关注点。
来源片段
They think their reaction to this at first is they tell their people don't have anything to do with this. This is just not bourgeois nonsense. This is my artists. We are, you know, a true communist never interferes with a my artist. I think there is a sort of sense among ordinary French workers. It's not so much they want to overthrow De Gaulle. It's that they think De Gaulle is irrelevant, actually. He really is irrelevant at this stage. As you said, he goes to Romania. Because some of them are chanting, I see it in your notes, the slogan, ten years, sassoufi. Yeah, that's enough. That's enough. Exactly.
目标片段
我们正在处理一些新事物，那就是种族性别性取向。老马克思主义者老旧派无法理解，无法解决我们能够解决的最新的社会问题。播客说到这里，大家也应该听得出来。我对于播客标题中的这个问题的回答是什么？为什么法国没有变成共产主义国家？我觉得我的播客前半段的回答是，为了说，首先我认为他没有成功的主要原因是因为戴高乐是一个有手段有能力，而且值得被爱戴有号召力的政治领袖。
来源片段
So you may remember, dear listeners, that last time we were talking about the events of May 1968, we were talking about the outbreak of the student protests at Nantes outside Paris, about the way in which they spread to the heart of the left bank, to the Sorbonne, the overreaction of the French authorities, the violence of the police, the violence of the students in response, the sense that the government had lost control, then the wave of strikes.
目标片段
法国暴乱一开始是一群被安排到了郊区大学的索邦大学的大学生在那里抗议。然后因为被警察暴力对待了，又改变了他们抗议的原因，开始抗议警察暴力，这点就足以说明了68年的法国学运和68年的美国这种黑人民运加上嬉皮士大学生抗议越战这两个政治事件出发点是不同的。
来源片段
François Mitterrand, who had lost the last presidential election to De Gaulle in 1965, he says, there is no more state.
目标片段
戴高乐在上一届1965年总统选举中，他战胜的那个对手，未来会成为法国总统的François Mitterrand.
来源片段
I am ready to assume power. His rival on the left, Gai Coppier-Mendez-France, he says, I'm also ready to assume power, and I'll work with the communists. And the communists at this point, having previously stayed out of it, they now say, right, let's organize a massive demonstration. So they're jumping on the bandwagon. Yeah. I mean, I know you were surprised when I said this. The communists have never been a fan of all this business. They had always thought, this is bourgeois nonsense. But right now, they think the government has collapsed. The government has failed. The Fifth Republic is dead. We need to put ourselves in pole position for what comes next.
目标片段
法国是一个已经失败的国家，我准备好掌权了。这个时候米特朗的另外一个也是左翼的竞争对手Pierre Mendes Ponce站出来说，我也准备好掌权了。而且我准备与法国共产党合作，法国共产党一直到此时此刻为止，他都是站在局外静观事变。为什么静观事变呢？我还为此专门问过一个老年法国古典马克思主义学者。他跟我说，他跟我说，当时他和他的朋友以及一些就是那种真正的法国共产党员认为，学生运动在真正的共产党员，
来源片段
The government has failed.
目标片段
但是现在政府已经垮台，政府已经失败。
来源片段
The Fifth Republic is dead.
目标片段
第五共和国已经灭亡。
来源片段
So they plan this big demonstration for the 29th of May.
目标片段
我们计划在不久的5月29号举行一场大行示威游行。
来源片段
I mean, it's happened before in French history. Well, say the shadow of Versailles, of the storming of the Bastille.
目标片段
爱丽舍公越来越近，那些抗议者可以马上冲进那个爱丽舍公。所以说你如果你是一个法国人，这一切都会使你回忆起法国历史上的经典事件，凡尔赛的阴影攻占巴士抵御。
来源片段
So we, as a nation, have never recovered from being beaten at Waterloo by the English and at Sedon by the Prussians.
目标片段
他对他的秘书说，他说，作为一个国家，我们法国从未从华铁卢战役中被英国打败和塞东战役中被普鲁士人打败的阴影中恢复过来。
来源片段
And he says, I am not Louis-Philippe, who we talked about in, looked like a pear. A pear-shaped, last king of France.
目标片段
去凡尔赛吧，戴高勒回复说，我不是路易费利普，路易费利普是法国最后一个国王，在1848年革命中他逃跑了。然后戴高勒说，我不是路易费利普，他的意思是
来源片段
De Gaulle calls in Pompidou, his prime minister, and he says to him, I'm old, you are young.
目标片段
他还召见了总理彭毕度George Pompidou戴高勒和彭毕度说，他说我老了，你还年轻，
来源片段
Then De Gaulle takes off by helicopter with his wife. They're going to Colombie to his country house, but as soon as they've taken off, he tells the pilot something he hasn't told Pompidou or anybody else.
目标片段
话说回这个戴高勒，他在当时当天跟彭毕度说，他说我要坐飞机，跟我的妻子一起去乡间躲一躲。在这里呢戴高勒他骗了彭毕度，他其实并没有去他的乡间别墅，他坐飞机偷偷飞去了德国。
来源片段
We're going to Germany. Back in Paris, Pompidou and Co discover that De Gaulle is not going to his country house after all. That he's not going to Colombie. And they're like, what's going on? Pompidou is in a complete, everybody's in a complete funk. Well, you would be, wouldn't you? The general has fled. The general has vanished. You know, we can't find where he is. People are running around, shouting, he's fed the country, it's all over. One of Pompidou's friends comes in with a gun for Pompidou and says, you know, you're going to need this. There are people burning documents.
目标片段
当然，当彭毕度发现戴高勒没有去这个乡间别墅的时候，他陷入了完全的恐慌啊，将军消失了，总统消失了。国家。完了当时有整整六个多小时，全世界没有人，整个法国没有人知道戴高勒在哪里，法国人陷入了震惊和恐慌之中。彭毕度在巴黎大喊，他说，他逃离了这个国家，所有的官员都变成了一群语无伦次的胡言乱语者。彭毕度的朋友甚至给了他一把武器，跟他说，你很快就会需要这个武器的。
来源片段
De Gaulle's helicopter lands at Barden, Barden, at the military airport at 2. 40pm. Meanwhile, of course, the communists are marching through the city.
目标片段
话说回戴高勒在5月29号当天下午3点钟，戴高勒的直升机降落到了德国的巴登巴登军用机场。与此同时呢，法国共产党员正在巴黎大肆游行。
S2：2 个窗口回退
来源片段
And they say, well, we've got this big Gaullist demonstration planned. A counter demonstration in answer to the Communist demonstration yesterday. Great. And he says, well, I'm going to give a speech in the evening. I've decided I'm going to speak to the French people. And then this guy called Focca has a very good suggestion. He says, don't do the speech in the evening. Do the speech before the demonstration to kind of fire up your people, your France. The other person he meets is George Pompidou, friend of the show, who, his prime minister, he says, I want you to dissolve the National Assembly and let's have elections.
目标片段
戴高勒跟他的秘书说，今天我就要发表演讲，我今天立刻马上要在他们晚上的游行之前发表总统演讲。这个时候彭皮杜站出来跟戴高勒提议说，他说戴高勒，我希望你可以解散国民议会，下个月让我们再次选举。戴高勒同意了。我觉得戴高勒在他即将要进行的这个演讲中做了三件非常聪明的事情，展露了他的政治手段。5月30号下午4点半，戴高勒在法国全国举行了演讲。这个聪明在哪呢？第一个是戴高勒，选择是在5月30号他们的晚上的游行。
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He says, don't do the speech in the evening. Do the speech before the demonstration to kind of fire up your people, your France. The other person he meets is George Pompidou, friend of the show, who, his prime minister, he says, I want you to dissolve the National Assembly and let's have elections. And to go, just like, great, let's do it. So finally, they have some clarity. So the first thing is the speech. And to go gives the speech at 4. 30 in the afternoon. And crucially, he doesn't speak on TV. So he's speaking on radio as he had done in 1940 from London.
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第一个是戴高勒，选择是在5月30号他们的晚上的游行。之前4点半的时候，下午4点半的时候搞的这个演讲。第二件事情是戴高勒没有选择电视讲话，他选择的是一个全国广播演讲。为什么这个决定非常聪明？因为戴高勒就是在1940年世界大战的时候，作为法国自由解放的神营，在伦敦用演讲用同样的传播模式鼓舞法国人提醒，在纳粹统治下的法国人，要坚持住，不要向纳粹集权投降。
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So he's speaking on radio as he had done in 1940 from London.
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戴高勒又重新像他在1940年的伦敦对法国人做演讲一样，让他们重新回忆起了戴高勒。
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And it's a very short speech. It's only four minutes.
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对于法国精神的意义，第三点是他在当天下午四点半进行了一个非常简短的演讲。这不是一个长篇大论，这是一个四分钟的演讲，戴高勒的演讲极其简洁而精确。
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I'm dissolving parliament. We will have elections.
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我们将在一个月之后进行民主选举。你们来自己选择你的政府，你们散了吧。
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De Gaulle's party went 353. The communists went 34 and the socialists went 57.
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法国共产党赢得了34个席位。法国的社会民主党社会主义党赢得了57个席位。
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By and large, I would say politically, what happens with France is that sort of English or rather British left of centre people tend to idealise France. And to imagine that it's this kind of social democratic paradise. But actually, I would say, France is in many ways a remarkably conservative country. I mean, just to give you an example of the CRS. The CRS is still out there bashing people over their head at the slightest sign of protest. Yes, but you could advance an argument that the impact of May 68 is actually, I mean, it may sound a bizarre argument to make, but most radically felt in the English-speaking world.
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因为你们让我的革命，我的左翼革命变得更加困难，你们带走了我的信徒。这个就是当年法国这些新左翼知识分子的觉悟。我们可以说这是一种机会主义。所以我说到这里，我觉得大家可以理解为什么一个古典马克思主义者一个老左翼会非常厌恶。这些喜欢在理论上浪漫化68年法国学运功运把68年的政治事件视为自己思想上重要转折点的这些新左翼思想家、这群人、法国的老左翼和新左翼的分裂点。
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Well, there's an argument, isn't there, that the spirit of 68 became institutionalized, because basically the Maimartists and PoloNex ended up running cultural institutions. But they're all bourgeois.
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那我们可以看到，在68年之后，虽然说68年的政治运动失败了，但是68年他给法国学界带来了一个文化上的重新洗牌。现在法国的高等教育界基本上就被这群当时没有参加革命的激进新有益思想给占领了。
S3：4 个窗口回退
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I would say one last thing about this, which is that he, he anticipates the Tea Party in the sense that he sees the kind of vitriolic reaction to Obama's presidency in its early days, um, as sort of representing this impotent rage of, uh, movement conservative ideologues against this figure who they see as, you know, trying to, well, trying to destroy their tradition or, or having succeeded in destroying it. But, um, I think that the thing that, that struck me is like, they weren't really impotent. They were able to, they succeeded in, in stymieing so much of his agenda and creating new, um, you know, grassroots political movements during his, um, presidency. So I think it, it makes sense to, to distinguish between the things that, one of the things that we mentioned in the opening, which is, um, this kind of Burkean conservative concept, the concept of conservatism that you find in classical conservatism versus what was born in the 20th century as movement conservatism. Mm-hmm.
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很多情况下，就是在这里德勒兹拉康德里达，甚至可以包括当代的这些齐泽克贝耶夫这种人，他们这种新左翼对于叛乱起义对抗有一种抽象的迷恋。但是真的到这个老左派想要搞的这些革命发生的时候，想要搞点事的时候，这群人又无动于衷，他们的这种抽象的迷恋停留在迷恋之上，没有一些真正的实际上的把策略和战略结合起来，推进斗争的觉悟。比如说废除资本主义。那么从这些新左翼的角度来说，他们会怎么批评这种马克思主义的旧左翼呢？他们会说，哎呀，我们继承了旧左翼中最主要的关注点。
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So, so like, Oh, you know, in the context of Trumpism, it's something like white people have interest to the middle, middle American revolutionary, that term, uh, something Francis played with, you know, like it's a battle for interest. White people of interest, various racial and ethnic minorities have interests and there's nothing wrong with kind of viewing politics as a battle between these interests, even if they're kind of categorized along racial lines. So, uh, obviously you can see the relevance of that kind of thinking. One of the purposes to which his sort of pseudo dialectic has been innovated, um, for, for the present.
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没有一些真正的实际上的把策略和战略结合起来，推进斗争的觉悟。比如说废除资本主义。那么从这些新左翼的角度来说，他们会怎么批评这种马克思主义的旧左翼呢？他们会说，哎呀，我们继承了旧左翼中最主要的关注点。比如说争取民族解放，反对种族主义，争取性别平等、争取性平等，争取性别多样性等等。我们正在处理一些新事物，那就是种族性别性取向。
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And, and in some ways what Tannenhaus does is he, it is this kind of push and pull between the radical elements of conservatism and some kind of voice of conscience that, you know, is, is cautioning them. And in some ways the death of conservatism is the radical voices kind of eventually obliterating the cautionary voices, you might say. But, but Chambers was that original cautionary voice. Yeah. And I think that one thing we should acknowledge is that in the early days of movement conservatism, the question of, of electoral politics and how it would fit in with their project was not always settled in particular, whether the Republican party was always going to be the vessel for movement conservatism because they were so dissatisfied with, um,
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我们正在处理一些新事物，那就是种族性别性取向。老马克思主义者老旧派无法理解，无法解决我们能够解决的最新的社会问题。播客说到这里，大家也应该听得出来。我对于播客标题中的这个问题的回答是什么？为什么法国没有变成共产主义国家？我觉得我的播客前半段的回答是，为了说，首先我认为他没有成功的主要原因是因为戴高乐是一个有手段有能力，而且值得被爱戴有号召力的政治领袖。
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But, but Chambers was that original cautionary voice. Yeah. And I think that one thing we should acknowledge is that in the early days of movement conservatism, the question of, of electoral politics and how it would fit in with their project was not always settled in particular, whether the Republican party was always going to be the vessel for movement conservatism because they were so dissatisfied with, um, the sort of liberal Republicans or non-ideological Republicans that kept getting nominated or were, were, were seen as sort of these figures who are going to, who are going to basically compromise with the new deal establishment like Eisenhower. Um, which like the John, John Birchers thought he was a communist. Yeah. Right.
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而且值得被爱戴有号召力的政治领袖。我相信听了播客上半段的各位听众也应该能够了解戴高乐的政治手段，究竟体现在哪里？播客后半段我想说的是，他没有成功的。另外一个原因是因为当时在六七十年代的西方新左翼正在崛起，新左翼嫌弃旧左翼。新左翼关心的是全新的问题。他们用一些全新的概念去代替了阶级这个概念。新左翼抛弃了传统的旧左翼叙事。新左翼对于旧左翼想要搞的这套阶级斗争的态度，轻则冷漠!
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What if the events that led to the rise of the West, the French Revolution, the Industrial Revolution, had happened somewhere else? Aisha, one of the ways that people sometimes talk about the big fork in the road of modern history, or you might even call it of world history, is what's known as the Great Divergence.
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这个近现代人类现代政治史上的这些最大的革命都是法国人先搞起来的。那么20世纪60年代的法国是不是也应该跟美国年轻人一样到处上街游行？
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The architects of the French Revolution are being guillotined, and we're about to enter the Napoleonic phase. So we're within a decade of that. So, of course, people may say, you know, that the French Revolution has certain modern ideas animating it, and the White Lotus Rebellion doesn't quite, because, you know, it's, you know, they want to go back to, like, Buddhist precepts. But I would say in both, from a certain level of abstraction, there is this desire to give agency, like, to the regular people rather than the crown. You know, one gets that kind of argument from the idea of the people, which is what we call, you know, modern political thought. The other one is, you know, let's go back to Buddhism, you know, like this.
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播客后半段我想说的是，他没有成功的。另外一个原因是因为当时在六七十年代的西方新左翼正在崛起，新左翼嫌弃旧左翼。新左翼关心的是全新的问题。他们用一些全新的概念去代替了阶级这个概念。新左翼抛弃了传统的旧左翼叙事。新左翼对于旧左翼想要搞的这套阶级斗争的态度，轻则冷漠!重则火药为十足。但是我想说的是，在政治层面，虽然说旧左翼他们搞的这套游行啊什么的失败了。但是在文化层面，法国这群新左翼，法国的新左派知识分子，他们非常成功的。